The Shaping of the Anglo-American SS by War
by Peter Cuskie [Robert Cohen]
from the May,
1974 edition of The Campaigner (15MB PDF image file);
page numbers of source included to facilitate verification
Rev B - See Notes & References
After this month, no political journalist or intelligence officer is qualified to continue drawing his paycheck until after he has studied this issue of The Campaigner. Although a substantial portion of the four authors' work is drawn from over a hundred key texts and other documents previously in circulation, this book-length issue represents the first occasion on which the jigsaw pieces of evidence on the real CIA have been correlated for the information of the general reading public.
If the authors had limited themselves to correlating the material from the numerous sources used, this publication would still have been invaluable on account of that original effort itself. The issue also draws heavily upon the significant range and depth of first-hand investigations by the Labor Committees and several others.
The collection of studies is chiefly a byproduct of research by the American Politics section of the Labor Committees' Intelligence Department. The decision to publish this material, made early in March, was premised on the several important benefits anticipated.
Extended reports of this detail were urgently required by the organization's investigating teams in North America and Western Europe, providing the background needed for identifying and analyzing CIA tentacles. The Legal Department required the same information in connection with its work in preparation of cases against the CIA and the CIA's LEAA domestic "plumbers" organization. By publishing that material in The Campaigner this same information will be placed in the hands of key organizers of the labor movement.The Tavistock Grin [April 1974] issue of The Campaigner begins with an opening section by Lyn Marcus, identifies the "real CIA" as distinct from its 15,000-employee subdivision of that name down at Langley, Virginia. Mike Minnicino, who has otherwise assembled the case against the Symbionese Liberation Army and directed studies of Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) illegal operations, contributes the section exposing the architect of the CIA, Dr. John Rawlings Rees and his principle Tavistock Institute collaborators.
Richard Freeman traces in detail the Rockefeller takeover of much of the organized labor movement in North America and abroad from its World War I phase, up through the present period of direct CIA control of the leadership of the AFL-CIO, UAW, and other unions. Peter Cuskie contributes massive documentation of the origins of the CIA proper from its pre-OSS roots, defining the roles of the key personalities.
With the publication of this issue of The Campaigner, any journalist who disputes the existence of a vast Rockefeller fascist conspiracy will be regarded as an hysterical fool.
With the Labor Committees' presentation of overwhelming evidence for the existence of a conspiracy on the part of the Rockefeller-Morgan international financier faction of the ruling class and their allies in the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to impose fascist regimes in the United States, Canada, and Western Europe during 1974, it becomes a matter of historical necessity that an analysis of the roots and evolution of this bourgeois Anglo-American SS and its conspiracy be undertaken at once.
The purpose of this paper is to remove any illusions that the historical basis for this combine and their plot does not in fact exist, while demonstrating the main political and military features of the conspiracy. This is done with the hope of precipitating a confrontation with the reader's fears of facing reality. If it also aids him to conquer those fears enough to join the only organizations fighting for a future for the human race, the Labor Committees, the North American Unemployed and Welfare Rights Organization and the Revolutionary Youth Movement, then we have a chance together by abolishing the conspiracy and its perpetrators, and freeing their potential victims, to relegate the Anglo-American SS to an arcane study in deep social pathology.
Neither the CIA (the agency) nor what Lyn Marcus (see last issue of Campaigner) calls variously the CIA Establishment, the Anglo-American Political Intelligence, or the Real CIA (and what we refer to here as the Anglo-American SS) is now, or ever was, primarily concerned with intelligence in any traditional sense of that notion.
Shortly after its inception at the onset of World War II, as we shall show, the Anglo-American SS began to take up what had become the characteristic aims of the Schutz Staffel (SS) after 1936 with the rise of Himmler to the head of the now unified police forces of the Reich and his confirmation as Reichsfuehrer. These goals have been ably described by an historian as follows:
The aims of the enormous SS apparatus ... were concerned not so much with controlling the state as with becoming a state itself. The occupants of the chief positions in the SS developed step by step into the holders of power in an authentic "collateral state," which gradually penetrated existing institutions, undermined them, and finally began to dissolve them. Fundamentally, there was no sphere of
life upon which the SS did not make its competing demands: the economic, ideological, military, scientific, and technical spheres, as well as those of agrarian and population policies, legislation and general administration.... The goal of the SS was to permeate and dissolve the old order, and it was to be the hard core of an imperial dominion aiming at "organizing Europe economically and politically on a basis that would destroy all pre-existing boundaries, with the Order in the background." 
This process took shape with the continual conquest of positions of solid power: the SS mobile troops, the economic and administrative head office of the SS, the concentration camps, the SS security service, the Head Office for Race and Settlement and finally the Waffen SS soon grew from small institutions with limited functions into powerful organizations - a veritable police, military, and economic empire.
This incredible pathological expansion by a self-conceived Elite Guard occurred, of course, as a transition from a National Socialist regime that itself had long since demolished bourgeois democracy, after first having built an irrational mass-based fascist movement. What possible conditions could explain the emergence from above of a similar phenomenon in the bowels of an essentially bourgeois-democratic society? What are the critical textures that go into the historical makeup of the elitist Anglo-American SS and their fascist machine? How did an Anglo-American SS slowly but surely penetrate, undermine, and then virtually destroy democratic institutions in the Western capitalist countries while preparing new forms of totalitarian rule?
The answers to these questions will hardly be found by gleaning accounts on the "ruling class" and the "state" from "classical Marxist doctrine."
Before moving on to the heart of the matter, we will pause briefly to clear up a question that may already be troubling the reader schooled in various Brand X "Marxist" or liberal versions of history. There will be no investigation here into various classical American right-wing and fascist movements, organizations, and leaders, for the simple reason that they are only relevant in this period to the extent that the Anglo-American SS decides to use them as auxiliary tools to further its aims. By the end of World War II, the Anglo-American SS had already learned how to penetrate, control, use, destroy, or generate fascist movements and organizations. The CIA's most refined application of this knowledge found in the examples of the "new left" and black nationalist groupings, and other ethnic fascist formations, brainwashed terrorist fronts like the Symbionese Liberation Army and the Parkhurst independent truckers gang, are well-covered by Minnicino. At any
rate, the origins of the particular kind of fascism confronting the working class do not come from the Ku Klux Klan, the American Nazi Party, the John Birch Society, the Minutemen et al., nor from the connivance of populist demagogues in the tradition of Huey Long, Father Coughlin, and George Wallace. In fact, even if these organizations and right-wing movements are not already thoroughly penetrated and controlled (as is likely), they are nonetheless impotent to act on their own in this period - the Anglo-American SS's psychological warfare campaigns (e.g., Rockefeller's Oil Hoax, CIA-organized "Impeachment Movement") alone were enough to leave leaders and ranks stunned and confused, paralyzed by the loss of their magic.
The answers to our questions lie elsewhere. The earth-shattering conjuncture of the Great Depression, the rise of fascism, and the onset of the Second World War created a social catastrophe whose immense significance has never been fully appreciated by most Americans, given the relative sheltering of the United States from the world storm. What isolation couldn't hide, Allied propaganda about the "anti-fascist democratic" war did. With the recovery under U.S. direction and control of the postwar capitalist economies and the opening or the Cold War by the Churchill-Rockefeller faction, the growth during the war of a hidden Anglo-American SS far more sophisticated than its German predecessor, remained a well-kept secret.
1. NAZISM AND COLONIALISM: SPECIAL OPS AND PSYWAR
The convulsions turning the world inside out in the latter half of the 1930s caused a profound crisis of leadership in the British ruling class. This crisis nearly caused the British bourgeoisie to come undone. Much more was involved than Churchill's "patriotism" and 'imperialism" versus Chamberlain's "appeasement" and "isolationism." By 1938-39, faced with class conflict at home, threatened loss of the colonial empire abroad and the danger of imminent direct attack from Germany, an alternative bourgeois leadership would have to grapple with the question "What is the way out of the crisis?"
As is generally acknowledged, Churchill was to move, together with the strong force of bankers and industrialists around him, to conquer political power and to seek immediate political, economic and military support from the U.S. and other non-aligned nations. What is missed by historians that is important to an understanding of the 1936-40 period and an important aspect in the early shaping of the Anglo-American SS is
that, long before he established his famous coalition and took the Prime Ministry, Churchill was applying himself to the critical political-military problem of finding a way, in Britain's desperate defensive situation, to develop offensive capability, or at least the means to some counterattack. This was crucial obviously not only to meet the Nazis' direct threat to England, but also to develop a new means to hold the seething colonies (themselves faced with Axis invasion) of Britain's overextended Empire.
Throughout his life Winston Churchill was interested in the problems of irregular warfare. It had been his idea, when First Lord of the Admiralty in the Chamberlain cabinet, to raise the Striking Companies who later proved so daring during the campaign in Norway. In the summer of 1940, when Britain "stood alone and at bay," Churchill knew the only hope for offensive action against the enemy was by air bombardment, by raiding the coasts of the occupied countries, and by sabotage and subversion inside Europe. The handful of aircraft Britain could muster, insufficient even for the defense of the island, precluded the pursuit of the first objective on a large scale for a long time. So the idea of sending small raiding forces to the coasts of Europe and parachuting secret agents behind the enemy lines to work as saboteurs and to help create guerrilla warfare units appears to have been in his mind quite early in the war. 
Actually for some period before the war most of the big bourgeoisie and military men in the political circle surrounding and supporting Churchill were intensively involved in the theory and practice of special warfare. These men were to become the heads of various branches dealing with clandestine political operations or leaders of other government departments during the war itself. Sir Charles Hambro, for example, head of the merchant bankers firm of the same name and the youngest direction of the Bank of England in British history, had been Churchill's leading business and financial advisor throughout the 1930s. In Feb. 1942, he was appointed the second director of the first special warfare agency in British history, the Strategic Operations Executive (SOE).
Major (later Sir) Desmond Morton, the Churchill confidant who was to act as Winston Churchill's Personal Assistant throughout the whole of the latter's war-time premiership, had pioneered in the 1930s in the development of what is today common Anglo-American practice - economic warfare integrated with covert operations.
Morton, working from the industrial Intelligence Center, which he founded as a private enterprise in 1931, won the British Establishment quickly to his new ideas:
...it was Morton and his I.I.C. that coined the term "economic warfare" and led the authorities to reject the
older conception of "blockade" as out of date in the "total war" of the future for which they were planning. In this, said Morton, many civilian elements would have to be taken into account, not only in defensive but also in offensive operations, and the Ministry of Economic Warfare, when it officially came into existence, must be regarded as a fighting department on a level with the three service departments ... Thus, the new Ministry should not only concern itself with overt activities like contraband control but also with a whole new range of "special operations" in the shape of subversion and sabotage to be directed against both the enemy country and those neutral countries from which the enemy drew his supplies. 
The "legendary" British Secret Service (MI5, the Security - and MI6, the Secret Intelligence Service), infamous for its notorious infiltration, subversion, and assassination practices against Communist and liberation movements in defense of the Empire since the beginning of the century, was in need of a thorough overhaul by the time Churchill took power. Full of Nazi sympathizers and out-and-out fascist collaborators, this bourgeois-need-only-apply "intelligence" service had watched with pleasure as Sir Oswald Mosely's British Union of Fascists gained increasing bourgeois support and mass appeal in the early 1930's, and, of course, had found no reason to view Germany as a target for espionage or subversion. Not only had its recruitment policy degenerated to the tapping of bowler-hatted ex-officers, but by 1940, through a series of incredible blunders, the British Secret Service had had its entire European network wiped out by Germans and possessed not one agent between the Balkans and the English Channel.
This situation had forced Churchill to rely exclusively on the bankers and industrialists in his circle (who were outside the British Secret Service) for the intelligence on the German military build-up he used from 1936 on in his attacks on Chamberlain and company in the British Parliament.
Typical of these super-activist business supporters was Sir William Stephenson, a Canadian émigré capitalist who, as we shall see. was destined for a weighty role in transporting to the United States the radical new political warfare conceptions that were developing in Britain. Something of an amateur boxer, pilot, and big game hunter, whose closest friends in international "society" included Aga Khan and the Nawab of Bhopal (with whom he was involved in various looting projects in the Middle East and India). Stephenson also headed Britain's biggest film company, Sound City Films, and owned General Aircraft Ltd., an airplane manufacturer, Catalina Ltd., one of the first manufacturers of plastics in the United Kingdom, Earls Court Ltd., a huge construction firm, Alpha Cement, and the Pressed Steel Company,
which made 90 per cent of the car bodies for such British firms as Morris, Humber, Hillman, and Austin.
In the course of business trips to Germany to buy steel in 1935-36, he discovered that practically the whole of German steel production had been turned over to the manufacture of armaments and munitions. In April 1936, Stephenson reported to Churchill that the direct and indirect expenditure by Germany upon military preparations including strategic roads was the equivalent of 800 millions sterling. Churchill forced this startling information into the public light in a direct challenge to Neville Chamberlain, then Chancellor of the Exchequer and the future prime minister.
In the fall of 1939 Stephenson joined with Morton and Churchill (by now in the Government at his old office at the Admiralty) to plan what probably would have been the Government's first economic warfare "special operation" against a neutral capitalist country in modern British history. Their elaborate scheme involving plastic explosives, smuggling a "sculpture studio," etc., designed to blow up at port Swedish and German ships leaving with ore for Germany, was called off at the last moment when news of the saboteurs' plans reached the ears of King Gustav. Immediately thrown into a panic, the hysterical, aged monarch cabled King George that the action would result in a German invasion of Sweden. A frantic King George ordered the operation stopped at once. But the cult of the "special operation," soon to become a trademark of the Anglo-American SS, was being ineluctably established.
Shortly after assuming the reins of power, Churchill moved quickly (on July 19, 1940) to pull the recently created but dormant propaganda, sabotage and subversion sections out of the Secret Intelligence Service (MI-6) and into the irregular warfare organization, the Strategic Operations Executive (SOE), set up under his new Minister of Economic Warfare Dr. Hugh Dalton. Before the war, Dalton belonged to a small faction of the British Labor Party centering around Richard Crossman and Hugh Gaitskell, which advocated the immediate development of government organs for "covert operations" and psychological warfare. Dalton had communicated the following memo to Churchill through Lord Halifax, the British foreign secretary, just a month before:
We must organize movements in enemy-occupied territory comparable to the Sinn Fein in Ireland, to the Chinese guerrillas now operating against Japan, to Spanish Irregulars ... in Wellington's campaign, or, one might as well admit it, to the organizations the Nazis themselves have developed in almost every country in he world. We must use many different methods, including industrial and military sabotage, labor agitation and strikes, continuous propaganda, terrorist acts against traitors and German leaders, boycotts and riots. 
This suggestion from a leading representative of a party which had never led or organized support for British workers in its entire history, was to bear great historical significance in the evolution of the Anglo-American SS. But, before drawing that particular historic importance out, we must address the question of what was psychologically motivating the Stephensons, Mortons, Daltons et al., and the even more pernicious characters like Dr. John Rees and his fascist Tavistock crew that we will be examining on the psychological warfare side of the special warfare "revolution" - lest the reader's Popular Front "anything goes in the war against Nazism" ideological blinders stand in the way of his understanding.
Despite the superficial political and social differences these British ruling class gentlemen certainly had, their psychological and political outlook melded together as one around three critical interrelated Gestalts which they all shared in the 1937-1940 period: fascination with the Nazis and a desire to learn from them so as to replicate their methods in a more sophisticated and "progressive" form; a strong identification with the "works" of colonialism and a strong desire to find a means to preserve the Empire; and, finally, a pathological preoccupation with techniques and gimmicks of sabotage, "black propaganda," brainwashing, etc. (built up into "theories" of irregular war and psywar), not unlike the Nazi doctors, politicians, and agents themselves.
First, as a critical reading of the quote from Dalton would suggest, these men were all fascinated and awed by the Nazis -- one can just see the impression SS terror against the working class and its growing infrastructure must have had on a frightened "Establishment" labor leader like Dalton.
Nonetheless, they firmly hoped that the lessons of their own colonial heritage and their greater "sophistication" and "progressiveness" would enable them to exercise, by far less crude means, the kind of social control the fascists were seeking, once they had mastered the principles upon which gutter fascism rested. The excitement at the thought of freedom from democratic restraints, and the challenge to outdo the Nazis at their own game (and repulse them in the process), were critical motivating factors behind the struggle in these British bourgeois. This produced a quite heady atmosphere.
Richard Crossman, who, according to colleague Sir Robert H. Bruce Lockhart, was responsible during the war "for most, if not all, of what the Americans learned about psychological warfare," recalled his own thoughts and feelings at the time:
Freed from the limitations imposed by democracy, we were able to experiment with any and every black magic in the use of words which might help to "save lives" ... Here was a
unique chance for what seemed to be a supremely interesting scientific experiment. We were equipped, so far as technical facilities went, to out-Goebbels Goebbels. 
Crossman and Lockhart, by 1943 the Chief of Operations of the Psychological Warfare Division Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Forces (SHAEF), and the Director of the British Political Warfare Executive respectively (under which the American Office of Strategic Service (OSS) Psychological Warfare Branch received its lessons) were equipped to out-Goebbels Goebbels with more than "technical facilities." Lockhart, who in 1939 had made a special study of the radio propaganda techniques of Goebbels, the man he and his EH [Electra House] club friends considered the "undisputed master" of the medium), and Nazi specialist Crossman together devised, for example, the infamous Supreme Commander psywar campaign in 1944 designed to persuade the German population that Eisenhower would make a more motherly Fuehrer even than Hitler.
Crossman's struggle to out-Goebbels Goebbels was taken quite seriously by his American pupils at the Psychological Warfare Division (PWD), Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF). CIA professor, writer, and military psywar specialist Morris Janowitz, reflecting in 1958 on his experience as Wehrmacht Morale Analyst under Crossman at PWD, makes elaborate sympathetic comparisons between Goebbels and Crossman, and Goebbels and British Political Warfare Executive (PWE) head Sir Robert H. Bruce Lockhart in naming all three to his list of the "seven outstanding propagandists" of the war. Goebbels, in reality a pompous buffoon, is cited for his "brilliant intelligence and insight into mass psychology" and his "unsurpassed ability in staging mass meetings and parades." Readers should note well that William Paley, President of CBS and a leading member of Rockefeller's Critical Choices Commission, was head radio operator of Crossman's PWD section; Lt. Colonel Murray L. Gurfein, the federal judge who ruled for the New York Times in the Pentagon Papers case, was Chief of Intelligence; and C.D. Jackson, former publisher of Fortune magazine, was in charge of German Media Control. A young British intelligence officer named Enoch Powell worked closely with the group while serving directly under General Walter Bedell Smith (later head of the CIA) at SHAEF.
An even more heinous British ruling class aggregation which made an extensive "study" of the Nazis' psychological warfare methods in the 1930's was the crew under Dr. John Rawlings Rees at the Rockefeller-funded center for the destruction of the human mind, the Tavistock Clinic. In 1939, Tavistock moved lock, stock, and barrel
into the British Army and Political and Military Intelligence to feverishly engage in developing the methods of individual and mass brainwashing necessary in the effort to outdo the Nazis. Rees and his fellow mad psychiatrists focused their brainwash techniques on the problems of officer and rank selection, battle inoculation and tactics, maintenance of morale and discipline, "black propaganda" (special operations psychological warfare), psywar targeting, and civil resettlement. They were to have a profound impact on, a profound role in, the development of the Anglo-American SS for the next 35 years. Toward the end of the war, in his book The Shaping of Psychiatry By War, Rees remarks that he and his (mad) doctors found the work of their Nazi counterparts "thorough and effective though lacking in some of the more imaginative and insightful aspects of work in our countries."
The enormous influence of the Nazis is, of course, only one important side of the political and psychological germination of the Anglo-American SS. Churchill and his fellow masters of "ungentlemanly warfare" (as they themselves euphemistically called it in fine colonial fashion) received their active impulse from a strong identification with and belief in the traditions and power of their own British colonialism. It was the paternalistic elitism and racialism of their own heritage, developed through long experience in administering the British Empire, that caused Churchill, Dalton, Morton, Hambro, Rees, et al., to view the Nazis as mere upstarts off the back streets. One of the standing witticisms in the Asian theater during the war was that the SEAC, Lord Admiral Louis Mountbatten's Southeast Asia Command, really stood for "Save England's Asiatic Colonies."
It would be easy enough to show, of course, that
Churchill and his fellow imperialists were all fervently committed to the goal of preserving the British Empire wherever possible and developing neo-colonialist alternatives whenever necessary. In this the social imperialist "labour" leaders were as strongly if not more strongly committed than the others.
What were the political implications of this world view by the perilous summer of 1940, one year after war with Germany was declared? Faced simultaneously with loss of the colonies to German, Japanese, and Italian occupation forces or native insurgencies, and the loss of Europe to the growing Nazi Juggernaut, these "progressive" British imperialists were to turn, through a semi-conscious process foreshadowed in the Dalton letter, to an almost forgotten practice developed in the good old colonial counterinsurgency tradition - what we call here counter-insurgency insurgencies! Meanwhile, on the home front against the British working class, the imperialist forces would content themselves for the time being with the beginning reintroduction of the by now well-tested traditional colonial counterinsurgency methods (most of which had in one primitive form or another been originally practiced on the British workers themselves centuries before).
Inspired by the Nazis, the elitist and racist bourgeois around Churchill were to bring their own colonial traditions down on the backs of the European working class as World War II unfolded. One cannot begin to understand the insidious intervention of a growing Anglo-American SS in the resistance movements building ail over the world during the war years, without an appreciation of the methods already developed through the British colonial experience.
The following account is based on Rosa Luxembourg's
brilliant explication of British imperialist practice in South Africa in the nineteenth century.
British counter-insurgency insurgency practice in the ongoing guerrilla wars between the Boers (Dutch settlers) and the Bantus in South Africa in the earlier part of the nineteenth century had two fundamental interconnected aims. The British imperialists were anxious to smash the Boer republic's patriarchal peasant economy in order to pave the way for bringing in modern large-scale capitalist economic exploitation of the South African natives and their lands. To this end they encouraged the "emancipation" of the Bantus from their brutal Boer oppressors in the republics, providing the Negroes with "protection" in the English colonies, flattering their chieftains, and wherever possible encouraging their authority ("self-government") and their "ownership" of land [which, in fact, had previously been held communally]. The British, of course, also "supported" the Negro guerrilla insurgency against the Boers. All the while, the British were preparing the savage expulsion of the natives, land robbery on a grand scale. The dynamics of the British colonial policy forced the Boers to weaken themselves greatly in providing the necessary "pacification" of the Bantu tribes in the bloody ongoing Kaffir wars.
With the discovery of the Kimberly diamond fields in 1869-70 and the gold mines in the Transvaal in 1882-5, and the area flooding with British and other white immigrants, British policy veered sharply. Using the excuse that the natives had "repeatedly implored" them for "protection," the imperialists moved on Basutoland, Zululand, Matabele, etc. taking over rule in the Negro districts one by one. Having surrounded the Boer republics and enslaved the tribal nations, Cecil Rhodes' South Africa Company and the special colonial military forces proceeded to organize revolts of the uitlanders (the new white settlers) in the Boer republics, finally provoking the Boer war (1899-1902). "Progressive" British imperialism was now firmly in the saddle to "develop" South Africa and "help" the "poor masses."
The history of the Anglo-American manipulation of the resistance movements and the later Anglo-American occupation (which we deal with in the next section) of Western Europe can be grasped in its essence by telescoping this hundred-year colonization process into the short history of World War II. We can also see the outline, in this piece of British colonial history, of the "beyond Nazism" gang/counter-gang strategy of Anglo-American SS Commander Frank Kitson (see Minnicino) and the despicable application of that strategy by none other than Nazi-like Dr. John Rawlings Rees in Newark, New Jersey in 1968 (Leroi Jones' Bantu gang versus Anthony Imperiale's Boer brigade).
One element of the psychological make-up of the blossoming Anglo-American SS vanguard, seen in the fetishization of "special operations" and "psywar," has not yet been illustrated - SADISM. The reader can put together for himself the sadistic "fun and games" mentality that lay behind the elaborate "plastic explosives" scheme of Churchill, Morton, and Stephenson cited earlier. If one is to understand that the incredible, monstrous, and inhuman SLA-Patty Hearst script is the product of the Anglo-American SS imagination, one must sensuously appreciate how the conjunctural earthquake of the depression, the rise of fascism, and the out- break of the war shook loose in the British Establishment a repressed sadism soon to become organized, whose dynamics make a British schoolmaster look like a newborn puppy dog.
As Lyn Marcus has explained:
The basic method of Reesian psychological warfare techniques (including Russian methods of individual brainwashing) is to induce an isolated individual or isolated group to accept the conditions defined by his isolation in a controlled environment as the only available "realistic" setting for finding a solution to the problems of stress imposed upon him by the controllers of that surrounding environment. 
A perusal of the World War II Anglo-American literature on psychological warfare will completely bear this out. What's more, there is a common sadistic thread seeking the completely controlled environment running throughout the wartime evolution of psywar that reveals much more about the Anglo-American SS psychological warriors than the "enemy" it is allegedly intended to confuse.
The "national ideology map" and the "psychological profile," both largely developed through the efforts of Rees' henchman, Dr. Henry Dicks from Tavistock, who was with the Intelligence section of the Psychological Warfare Division (PWD), found the following application, for example, by Dr. Stanley Lovell, head officer of the Research and Development Branch of the British created and trained American special warfare organization, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS):
...An OSS anthropologist reported that the Japanese were uniquely sensitive about the act of defecation, and considered any contact with fecal matter to be a disgrace. Inspired by this rare opportunity to make the Japanese lose face, Lovell directed his chemists to prepare a scatological compound which exactly duplicated the consistency and odor of a loose bowel movement. The noisome chemical named Who? Me?" was packaged in collapsible tubes and flown across the Himalayas to Chungking, where it was distributed to Chinese children in enemy-occupied cities such as Peiping and Shanghai and Canton. When a ranking Japanese officer strolled down the crowded street, the theory went, an urchin would creep up behind him and
squirt a shot of "Who? Me?" onto the seat of his trousers, causing him to retire in malodorous confusion. How many Japs lost face could never be determined... 
This completely pathological anal-sadistic scheme, while here no doubt ineffectual, is but the cover of the toilet of what the CIA-MI5-MI6 Anglo-American SS outhouse churns out regularly today. As Minnicino demonstrates through his study of the psychology and works of Tavistock's Henry Dicks, the dangerously sick men who make up the brainwash trust of the Anglo-American SS share with their German SS predecessors the same underlying anal-sadistic fascist character structure. Dubious readers who haven't gotten the point should ask themselves why, with all the shit lying around Asia, Dr. Lovell found it necessary to make imitation excrement and then have it shipped halfway across the world.
By the summer of 1940 in Britain, all the elements that would go into the composition of a new and more insidious SS were already in an advanced stage of gestation.
But, there still remained the enormous task of organizing the elements into the kind of SS striking force that could penetrate. permeate, and dissolve the old order, and emerge as the undisputed master of a 1984-style Anglo-American SS imperial dominion when the opportunity presented itself. As we shall see, the shaping of the Anglo-American SS by the war itself was to give shape to just that tendency.
In July of 1940, Dalton's proposal went through. Churchill took the one section of Military Intelligence MI-R (the Research branch at the War Office under Colonel John Holland and Lt. Colonel Colin Gubbins) that was on top of the 'new' trends in special warfare and pulled them into the Special Operations Executive (SOE). Then many of the men who had been studying
Goebbel's propaganda techniques under Sir Robert H. Bruce Lockhart (the famous British agent taken prisoner by the Soviets and later exchanged for Litvinov) in 1939 at the Electra House (EH) club set up by Sir Campbell Stuart, director of the London Times, were brought in to SOE to handle psychological warfare, together with the SOI section pulled from the British Security Service, Secret Intelligence Service (SlS) branch. Churchill directed the new body "to coordinate all action by the way of subversion and sabotage against the enemy overseas" or as he later put it, "to set Europe ablaze."
Churchill then sent his friend Sir William Stephenson to the United States as a representative of all the British special warfare and intelligence agencies to set up a large scale covert operation center in New York and to meet with Roosevelt and the real power circles of the American ruling class. Four years later Stephenson was to become the first non-American to receive the U.S. government's highest civil decoration, the Medal for Merit. But much was to transpire between Stevenson's arrival and that award - the shaping of an Anglo-American SS by war.
The bourgeois giants who wielded real power in the United States at this critical moment of Summer, 1940 bore remarkable resemblance to their counterparts in the "progressive" elitist ruling circles around Churchill in England. Yet, the Americans had their own distinctive historical origins, which must be grasped for an understanding of the motor behind the Anglo-American SS today. Our explication of these roots must perforce be brief and schematic.
The so-called Progressive Era in American politics, roughly the first two decades of this century, brought together in one movement the three bourgeois drivewheels
that would ultimately create the flesh and blood and world outlook of the American side of the Reesian complot.
Firstly, this era marked the dynamic reentry through Theodore Roosevelt of the patricians, the old-line American founding families, into the filthy gutter of American politics. These aggressive patricians, men like Theodore Roosevelt, later Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Henry Stimson who bridged the gap between the two, saw it as their responsibility to be the "stewards of the public welfare," indeed, the "stewards of the world commonwealth."
At home they would rally "noblesse oblige" to reform the "real and grave evils" of a capitalism in the throes of a chaotic monopoly development and in the hands of an ignorant, crude self-interested capitalist leadership. Translated, this meant the utilization of state power to consolidate, rationalize and direct, together with emerging class-conscious bourgeois industrial and banking power circles and their "labor lieutenants," the growth of the explosive American capitalist system. The thinly-veiled patrician contempt this "neo-landed gentry" felt for the working-class masses was echoed in the abundant pseudo-populist rhetoric of concern, to the effect that the state and the bourgeoise act in a manner that would "help the masses help themselves."
Abroad, the door must be swung wide open to the dynamic, fresh U.S. candidate on the imperialist stage. The state colonial spheres of influence in Asia and Africa must give political, economic and cultural way to the new force that would ultimately integrate a world capitalist order under its "enlightened stewardship."
Thus, the "best and the brightest" (to use David Halberstam's phrase to describe their descendants) from America's old-line heritage would gently or not so gently conquer the world for the good of all concerned (and the accumulation of capital would be a certain side benefit).
The syndicalism inherent in this world view was propelled even further by Mark Hanna and other rising hard-driving industrialists who allied themselves with the patricians in generating the new "Progressivism." Fearful of the spread of socialist ideas and organization amongst the workers, if the bourgeoisie relied solely on brute force to suppress the working classes' struggles, Hanna and his National Civic Federation of big businessmen (to which young FDR belonged) sought to orchestrate from above the radical development of a "community of interest" of the state, the corporations, and labor unions.
The state would guide the development of a "joint partnership" of independent capital and labor and see that their harmony of interests was continually fine-tuned.
Hanna saw the organization and absorption of trade unions within this framework as important not only to the preservation of capitalism but also to its rational growth and expansion.
It is with this insight that the advance guard of the American bourgeoisie began the process of integration of the trade union leadership and the trade unions (as institutions) into the burgeoning U.S. capitalist empire. Hanna, who had captured the Republican Party at the turn of the century with this syndicalist outlook, had advice for the farmers not that dissimilar to that he was proffering to the workers - organize trusts of your own!
The American money lords of dominant international finance capital were headed by the House of Morgan but included the Kuhn, Loeb-Harriman alliance, the Seligman brothers, and the Rockefellers, who were making the transition from being mere industrialists. These acted as the other key linchpin of the Progressive Movement. Finding themselves alternately unable to supply enough capital to maintain the system or to put all of what they had into profitable production, they turned to the government to provide, through taxes on the ordinary citizens, the capital and spending programs necessary for the continued expansion of capitalism. In their international dealings, they were forced to rely on the government to open new areas to financial penetration and to guarantee repayment from the poorer nations.
At the same time, along with the patricians, the international financiers incorporated Hanna's syndicalist ideas and practices into their arrangements with labor in the ongoing class struggle, while retaining the grand hauteur that befitted these financial gentlemen of the world. It is in this peculiar patrician-financier form of syndicalism that we can locate today's "co-determination," "community control," "racial nationalism," and related schemes orchestrated from above as a transition to the 1984-style fascism.
In this the New Deal, as a refined continuation of the Progressive Movement, was a critical testing ground for the development of many of the ideas and methods of today's Anglo-American SS. It is hardly surprising that New Deal spokesmen openly compared their National Industrial Recovery Act to Italian fascism, and continued to frame their programs within a syndicalist outlook.
No New Deal program better presaged the ultimate fusion of American patrician-financier syndicalism with "progressive" elitist British colonialism than the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). Unemployed "volunteer" youth around the country were seceded by the Labor
Department to report to over 1300 work camps built and managed by the War Department and supervised and disciplined by regular and reserve officers from the Army, Navy, and Marine Corps. They could "help their country" in this "humanitarian" slave labor program as "civilian volunteers" thinning millions of acres of trees, putting out fires, building wild-life shelters, stocking hundreds of millions of fish, digging ditches, planting trees, etc., while learning the spirit of hard work and service and imbibing the virtues of military discipline. By June 1939, over three million men were enrolled in this slave labor resettlement "conservation" scheme, while the Armed Forces were strained to provide enough proto-"civil affairs" soldiers to handle the oversight of the 1,450 camps.
Just a couple of years later Tavistock's Dr. John Rees and his fellow psy-war experts were to put this type of program on a much more rigorous basis in the British Army. Through the use of their selection procedures, they classified a large percentage of army rejects as "dullards," "the constitutionally inferior group that is the psychopathic tenth of the community" and the "social problem group." Rees' fascist program forced "the constitutionally inferior group" (which included "coloured men," "those prone to contracting venereal disease," and "those with lice in their hair") into special segregated "labor companies" of a unit known as the Pioneer Corps.
Under the supervision of trained army psychological warfare personnel these slave favor guinea-pigs were systematically conditioned to police themselves in back-breaking work "making roads, humping shells, and erecting huts." At the same time they were induced to spy on one another's sexual activities (Rees wanted to cut their reproductive rate and prevent what he called "defective children") and patrol for crime. Rees summarized the results of his practical experiment in these words in The Shaping of Psychiatry by War: If you employ the dullards and care for their morale, there will be fewer of them and as a group they will be contributors to the life of the community and not consumers or problem-makers."
The American SS Political Circle
The man who personified the re-entry of the patricians into politics was 72-year-old Secretary of War Henry Stimson, not Franklin D. Roosevelt. Stimson stood at the real center of power in Washington during the summer of 1940 and throughout the war. Like Theodore Roosevelt, for whom he had served as closed confidant, Stimson was a patrician in the T.R. Rough
Rider tradition, stressing the ruthless exercise of power above "even" the obligations of "public service," and placing a premium on both breeding and performance under fire, Stimson and George C. Marshall. the Chief of Staff, held sway, not only over the bourgeois activists who worked directly under them, like John J. McCloy, Robert Lovett, James Forrestal, Secretary of the Navy Frank Knox, General Lucius Clay and Harvey Bundy, but also over a group of rising bourgeois policymakers, most of them leaders from the great banking houses and law firms of New York and Boston. These latter looked especially to Stimson (the aristocracy come to power) for the model of the tough patrician leadership they sought to emulate as well as for policy directives. Amongst these men, over whom Stimson had considerable if not controlling influence, were Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, Averill Harriman, and Paul Nitze at the state Department; Nelson Rockefeller, the Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs; and Allen Dulles, General William J. Donovan and David Bruce, who would become key leaders of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS). This inner circle of power around Stimson would prove to be the core out of which the political leadership of the American side of the Anglo-American SS would emerge.
Wild Bill Donovan - Psychological Portrait of the CIA
The U.S. government was debating two possible courses of action in the summer of 1940 where Stephenson arrived in the U.S. One was to attempt to keep Britain in the war by supplying her with the material existence she desperately needed to survive. The other was to give Britain up for lost and to put all energies in massive rearmament to prepare to meet the German threat. In a sense Roosevelt had already reached his decision earlier when he bounced his isolationist Secretaries of War and the Navy, and replaced them with the pro-British Stimson and Knox. Still, the Ambassador to Britain, Joseph P. Kennedy, counselled Roosevelt vehemently against "holding the bag in a war in which the allies expect to be beaten," and most of the cabinet opposed coming to England's aid. Stephenson instinctively turned to the outspoken interventionist and World War I hero, William J. "Wild Bill" Donovan, who in turn arranged a meeting in Washington with Stimson and Knox at which both he and Stephenson were present.
The story of how this would immediately place Donovan as Roosevelt's secret emissary to Britain and would culminate in the "destroyers for bases" deal with Britain and other arrangements leading inexorably to U.S. involvement in the war, has been told
elsewhere. What concerns us here is that Britain had pinpointed the man it wanted to head America's first special warfare and espionage organization. For the next year Stephenson Morton, Sir Frank Nelson (first head of the SOE), Stewart Menzies (new head of SIS) and other key special Warfare-espionage agents met with Donovan constantly. Churchill and his ruling circle lavished incredible attention on securing his confidence and support. The revitalized British Secret Service (SIS) unlocked its safes, reputedly for the first time to a non-national, and initiated Donovan into the elaborate spy-counter-spy infiltration and penetration techniques and the sophisticated methods of assassination they had been employing against the colonial peoples and Communist movements throughout the century. Churchill, in appointing Menzies had demanded a shake-up and purge in the MI6 ranks.
The SOE, which was later to train all of Donovan's OSS agents at a school they would establish in Oshawa, Canada, instructed Donovan on their new theories and techniques of unorthodox warfare, and shared with him their plans for covert operations. Stephenson, whose covert diplomacy through Donovan was bringing in big dividends ("destroyers for bases," Lend-Lease, U.S. conveyance of British ships across the Atlantic, etc.) continued to feed Donovan secret intelligence which Donovan passed on to Stimson aid Roosevelt. They also arranged a guided tour for him of British-held positions in the Middle East and the Balkans, to help convince FDR of the British ability to hold out.
Leading America Firsters like Representative Hamilton Fish and chief bourgeois isolationist spokesmen like the Hearsts and their mouthpiece, Westbrook Pegler, had quite a time when word of these Donovan trips leaked out. "Man of Mystery" and "American Secret Envoy" were the Hearst syndicate's biting refrain. Pegler wrote jeeringly: "Our Colonel Wild Bill Donovan ... seems to have a 50-trip ticket on the clippers, which he must use up in a certain time or forfeit the remainder." They kept up a steady browbeat of cynical criticisms of OSS, Donovan, Roosevelt, Stimson et al. throughout the war ("OSS - that means Oh, So Social" was one of the kinder cuts), a practice which, of course they continued through the anti-patrician yahoo Joe McCarthy period. It is hardly surprising that the Anglo-American SS as it plots total patrician dictatorship should seek its sadistic revenge today on the Hearsts and their descendants.
The elder Hamilton Fish, an open German sympathizer from the old-line Fish family, was driven from politics during the war by a covert operations psy-war campaign conduced by Stephenson which, like the job
done by Rockefeller-CIA forces on Nixon, involved the penetration of Fish's personal America First-connected political machine, the planting of damaging collaboration evidence, and the harassment and framers of the bulletheaded gaggle around him.
The Anglo-American SS's pathological Symbionese Liberation Army-Patty Hearst melodrama, with the Hearst daughter brainwashed to be "liberated" from the clutches of the old man's obsolete society to help herald in the 1984-style fascism of the future, is the new SS's barbarian, demented version of poetic justice.
The grooming of Donovan, Britain's hand-picked candidate to head America's first special warfare and espionage agency, was an important moment in the generation of the new SS. The U.S. patrician-financiers, virtual neophytes in the field, were to be inculcated on the laps of the British imperialist masters. The United States had only two clerks (sic) engaged in the collection of intelligence at the moment of the outbreak of the First World War; and it is fairly well known that what passed as "intelligence" and espionage in various government agencies and the military between the wars was at best a bad joke (the burlesque surrounding the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor being only an outstanding example).
The practice of irregular warfare was still unborn in the U.S. Even the most hardened patrician of them all, Henry Stimson, is alleged to have said when he abolished his department's cryptographic unit, "Gentlemen don't read each other's mail." The British were to change that anachronistic outlook quite swiftly.
Who was this man "Wild Bill" Donovan that Churchill and company tapped to catalyze American special warfare? Allen Dulles was to call him "the father of the CIA." None of the romantic books about the CIA is complete without mention of the life-size oil painting of Donovan that hangs in the Central Intelligence Agency headquarters in Langley Virginia. A myth, consciously fostered by the CIA, has grown up around the man and the OSS organization he led. In reality, Donovan was par excellence the paradigm of the new SS field officer. He was the patrician-financiers' earliest leading emissary to the battleground, the activist organizer of new "special operations" military units, the man to call upon to help plan and execute covert operations. Violently rejecting his working-class origins, he so internalized the values and methods of his patrician-financier masters that they almost fully welcomed him into the club. "My boys regard you as about the finest example of the American fighting gentleman," Theodore Roosevelt wrote Donovan in 1918 (emphasis added).
Donovan sought desperately to achieve from below
what the American patrician-financiers and their British imperialist counterparts were assiduously shaping and creating from above. The historical genesis of the new SS, especially its military side as realized in the CIA and Special Forces and "SSD" (Law Enforcement Assistance Administration) creatures, is reflected in Donovan's pathological "ideological map" and psychological profile."
The real story on Donovan is worth the telling - it reveals why the Anglo-American SS can and will be defeated.
After graduation in 1907 from Columbia law school, where he was a classmate of young FDR, the twenty-four year-old Donovan returned to his home in Buffalo to organize a vigilante troop, which purchased its own horses and weapons and later applied for admission as a unit to the National Guard. Troop I's first assignment was to bust a workers' strike in nearby Depew, New York. Riding into town in full dress uniform with sabers drawn, Donovan and company confronted the strikers outside a saloon which was being used as strike headquarters. Legend has it that when Donovan's horse stumbled and his saber fell to the ground, a brawny worker grabbed the sabre and ran inside the saloon. CIA legend has Donovan "... striding alone through the swinging doors ... he reappeared a couple of moments
later, his uniform somewhat rumpled but with the saber clutched firmly in his hand." The Rockefellers provided Donovan with the opportunity to add the political weapon of food control to his counterinsurgency repertoire of vigilantism and elite guard strike-breaking heroics. In early 1916, the Rockefeller Foundation created the American War Relief Commission, assigning it the express purpose of the manipulation of the food supply to Central and Eastern Europe, in order to thwart the socialist movements growing in war-torn areas.
Marwick Greene, head of "public works" for the Rockefellers in the Philippines, administered the program from London with Donovan briefly in charge of the Polish section, and young Herbert Hoover directing operations for Belgium. America's first major food control program starved out socialist strongholds while beefing up "relief" to contested areas, establishing rationing procedures and refugee control centers in the process. Young Donovan learned his lessons from the Rockefellers well - later from Germany just after the close of World War I he wrote back to the U.S.:
Germany's need is very pressing. Kaiserism has vanished, the government is being conservatively and sanely managed, but the danger is economic. German soldiers are being released, given fifty marks, and turned out into the streets ... At present Bolshevism has no strength here, but
unless we step in and help on the food question, there is bound to be difficulty later. 
The Catholic Church was next to step forward to continue the counterinsurgency education of young Donovan. For years the Church had unofficially run the overwhelmingly Irish-catholic 69th Regiment of the New York National Guard as, in its beneficence, a means of installing ethnic, religious, and national pride amongst its constituents. Called up for duty in the American imperialist adventure into Mexico in the late summer of 1916, the Fighting 69th discovered Donovan there leading his Troop I through insane 25-50 mile hikes and intensive drills and target practice. (Donovan - "If I can take it, why can't you?") Liking what they saw they invited him to become their leader. When the U.S. declared war "to make the world safe for democracy," the Church swung into action in an all-out recruiting drive for the "Fighting 69th."
Catholic clergy brought in candidates from their parish athletic clubs. Irish county societies sent more. Machine gun trucks roamed the Irish sections of Manhattan and Brooklyn and the Bronx displaying the bold placard: "Don't join the 69th unless you want to be the first to go to France," a challenge bound to appeal to any son of Erin.
Just as FDR'S syndicalist C.C.C. youth conservation "movement" was to foreshadow the new SS-generated proto-fascist hippie-youth/ecology movement of the late 1960's, Donovan's "ethnic army" for "democracy" prefigured such Anglo-American SS terrorist divisions as the Jewish Defense League (JDL), the Italian Civil Rights League, the Irish Republican Army (IRA), Black September, the American De Mau Mau, etc., all programmed to fight for "ethnic and national pride" and "community control."
After winning the Congressional Medal of Honor, for leaving the dead bodies of his men strewn all over Europe, Donovan was invited by the State Department in the summer of 1919 to join America's Siberian expedition in support of Admiral Alexander Kolchak and the White Russian Army. As the Bolsheviks smashed Donovan's friend Kolchak and his pathetic aggregation, Donovan drew the same conclusion as Dr. John Rawlings Rees, who was with a similar British expedition at Baku at the time. Donovan's Siberian diary contains this closing entry: "We can prevent a shooting war only if we take the initiative to win the subversive war."
Over the next twenty years Donovan focussed his attention, as a politician, government official, and Wall Street lawyer, on what was later to become an Anglo-American SS standby in their conspiracy to destroy constitutional government - the corruption investigation.
For example, during the Depression the Buffalo branch of Donovan's law firm brought down the Democratic Party city machine and terrorized labor -- by launching government investigations into so-called "no-show" corruption on the part of political appointees, alleged goldbricking by city workers, and various graft practices. The new SS today uses the same tactics to undermine and dissolve the city machines and their police departments, to terrorize and soften up labor, and to discredit constitutional government and its traditional institutions. This is done simultaneously while expanding the nucleus of their collateral SS state infrastructure in the form of the LEAA Gestapo, the National Institute for Mental Health-funded community brainwashing centers, the Ford Foundation Community Development Corporation (CDC) area counterinsurgency projects and so forth.
Donovan's crusade to "clean up" depression-torn Buffalo was the culmination of an effort he began at least a decade before during Prohibition. Then, in an obvious and silly attempt to emulate what he viewed as the "true patricians," he ordered a raid on his own exclusive social club, confiscated illegal liquor, and prosecuted his guilty fellow-members.
Donovan found time off in 1925 from his busy counterinsurgency schedule to put in a stint at the Justice Department's Anti-Trust Division, where he consciously sought to rationalize capitalism in T.R.'s patrician "trust-busting" tradition.
We do not think all mergers are wrong," Donovan stated, "nor do we fight big business just because it is big. Our policy is to notify the firms if their plans are illegal so they can make proper adjustments and avoid litigation ... it's better to be directed by a traffic cop than trailed by a detective." 
The leaders of the new SS today continue the Progressive Movement practice of periodically staging mock investigations into the activities of its own cartels (e.g., U.S. Senate hearings on the oil cartels conducted by Henry Jackson and Frank Church) not only to help rationalize their functioning but also to organize syndicalist "public" and "labor" participation in helping to "run" them.
Donovan himself, of course, was actually a great defender of America's international oil cartels. When during the last Depression the government indicted 24 of the leading oil companies, 56 of their principal officers, and three oil market journals, charging a conspiracy to fix wholesale and retail gasoline prices in the biggest anti-trust case in U.S. history, the Madison Oil trial case, none other than Rockefeller flunky William J. Donovan served as the successful chief defense counsel. The Great Oil Hoax, plotted and dirtied by the
politically and economically dominant Rockefeller financier faction in coordination with the CIA is the Neanderthal culmination of the new SS's use of the oil weapon in economic and psychological warfare designed to destroy both working class resistance and living standards.
What could have motivated Donovan to strive so hard to compile so notorious a counterinsurgency record against the class from which he came (his father was a railroad worker)? The answer is in large part his mother! In this respect Donovan is only an intense example of the real psychology underlying the madmen who make up the new SS, especially its military component in the Special Operations sections of the CIA, the Special Forces "Waffen SS," and the LEAA "SSD."
William J. Donovan was in actuality much more the "Mother of the CIA" and as such a leading characteristic member of that special breed called "CIA agents." Readers unfamiliar with Marcus's Beyond Psychoanalysis would have difficulty following simply a general presentation. Therefore, we will painstakingly confirm our judgement largely with testimony presented by Donovan himself! There follows a "psychological profile" of the typical CIA agent.
First, there is overwhelming evidence that Donovan had a romantic love relationship with his highly possessive mother and that this lay at the root of both his incredible macho need to prove himself (to his mother) and his strong suicidal tendencies (to even die to prove himself worthy of her love). Donovan's brother Timothy Francis, a priest, has stated:
Ours was a happy household. I can tell you that, strict discipline but great affection. The General had almost a romantic love for my mother; he thought she had such a fine mind and was such a lady and had done such a good job raising us all. There was a real closeness between them and my mother never let him see her in tears as she packed his clothes, and he left home for Columbia in New York City. 
In a letter to his wife, a cool, upper-class woman who interrupted her riding and fox-hunting long enough to arrange a marriage of convenience with the 31-year-old lawyer on the rise. Donovan wrote from a World War I battlefield:
Your soldier man is a sentimental person, and when he is happiest he is singing some lonesome melody of home or mother ... I don't expect to come back, and I believe if I am killed it will be a most wonderful heritage to my family. 
Donovan's extreme patriotism was a projection of his fixation on his mother, and his insatiable need to protect the image of that ideal loved one from father and other bogeymen in the outside world. Toward the end of the war he wrote:
America is now magnificent beyond anything I expected. Her ideals clearer, her purpose higher than all the others. Another thing. Have you considered that before long America will be the strongest nation, with her fleet, her industries, her army all organized? I wonder if, as these increase, envious eyes may be cast upon her. I hope the war won't end that way. 
Sacrifice for mother, for surrogate mother (country), and for Mother Church were melded together in an incredible wish for death. As his brother observed:
My brother never expected to come back or Father Duffy [the chaplain for the "fighting 69th" during the war and the man who recruited Donovan -- P.C.] either, for that matter. It was his firm conviction that he'd be killed, you see. When he left for overseas, I asked him, "Are you ready to go?" and he replied, "Yes, I've been to the Sacraments." It was always in the background, this matter of death. Maybe that is why he was fearless.
The similarity between Donovan's anxiety-ridden performance with OSS London chief David Bruce (now U.S. Ambassador to China) after the landing at Normandy and Hitler's pathetic suicide in a German "bunker" a year later can be more fully appreciated from the standpoint provided by those letters.
Secretary of Navy Forrestal had expressly forbidden Donovan to participate in the landing at Normandy. Donovan appealed to an old friend. the admiral commanding American naval forces in Europe: "You and I
are old and expendable ... what better end for us than to die in Normandy with enemy bullets in our bellies?" was summarily and unsympathetically rejected.
Donovan, following the scenario of the American "jock" - the John Wayne image - sneaked into the invasion armada dragging a reluctant Bruce with him. Shortly after the landing Donovan and Bruce found themselves together in the lee of a hedgerow under sporadic enemy fire, Bruce tells the story:
Flattened out, the general turned to me and said: "David, we mustn't be captured, we know too much." "Yes Sir," I answered mechanically. "Have you your pill?" he demanded. I confessed I was not carrying the instantaneous death pellet concocted by our scientific advisor." "Never mind," replied the resourceful General, "I have two of them." Thereupon ... he disgorged the contents of all of his pockets ... but no pills. "Never mind," said Donovan, "we can do without them, but if we get out of here you must send a message to Gibbs, the Hall Porter at Claridge in London telling him on no account to allow the servants in the hotel to touch some dangerous medicine in my bathroom."
This humanitarian disposition having been made [concludes Bruce] Donovan whispered to me: "I must shoot first." "Yes Sir," I responded, "but can we do much against machine guns with our pistols?" "Oh, you don't understand," he said. "I mean if we are about to be captured I'll shoot you first. After all I am your commanding officer." 
The dynamics of mother domination and the desperate need to prove their manhood explains the crazed sadomasochism of the new SS's patricians and would-be patricians (Donovan: "Look at me. I'm not even panting ... If I can take it, why can't you?")
It identities their infantile activist fascination with heroics and death: [Donovan]: "Father Duffy, when I’m gone, write as my epitaph: 'He was a wild son of a bitch, but he was a game one.' "
The Oedipal phenomena also helps account for the High Priest cultism and conspiratorial secrecy of this stratum, notably its CIA division (e.g., Donovan studied for two years at the Niagara University diocesan seminary to become a Dominican priest but gave it up because "he didn't think he was good enough").
Finally, it demystifies their perverse interest in "special operations" and "irregular warfare." Said former American Ambassador to Berlin Hugh Wilson: "Donovan is not happy if there is a war on the face of the earth and he has not had a look at it."
Now perhaps we are not astonished that "former" CIA agent William F. Buckley repeatedly referred to the CIA as "Mother" during an internal dialogue he conducted with the Agency in the pages of National Review in the Fall of 1973.
We are convinced that the working class can and must
defeat them through self-conscious revolutionary struggle for expanded social reproduction. For the 1984-style fascist program of the new SS today is ultimately based on its leaders' desire to commit suicide, and their patrician-syndicalist demand that the lowly masses go down with them in the zero-growth self-destruct of the human race.
The activist British imperialists who shared the same fundamental psychological problems as their American patrician-financier comrades, lobbied intensively with Roosevelt and Stimson in 1940-41 to make Donovan head of a new American special warfare executive. On June 18, 1941 Roosevelt finally established the Office of Coordinator of Information (COI) with Donovan as chief and assigned it the duties of the collection of all forms of intelligence and the planning of covert operations.
2. THE ANGLO-AMERICAN SS's WAR AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION
Two days later the Nazis opened the Eastern Front by launching an all-out offensive against the Soviet Union. This decision was to have enormous consequences on both the complexion of the war and the further evolution of the Anglo-American SS.
It is a tribute to both the power and cunning of Rockefeller's conspirators and the timidity and parochialism of the Soviet Union and allied Communist parties that the ugly truth about the real Anglo-American policy and strategy during World War II has remained a well-kept secret for so long.
It was during World War II that the new SS conspiracy for world domination under ultimate 1984-style fascism was established. As we shall demonstrate, from the Spring of 1941 on, Churchill-Stimson et al. favored a costly Nazi victory over the Soviets on the Eastern Front or at least a stalemated war of attrition where both sides would tear one another to shreds. It was their joint aim from May, 1941 onward to prepare for the propitious moment to either negotiate an advantageous settlement ("separate peace.") with the battered Nazis, or to occupy as much of Europe as possible, utilizing the fascist infrastructure of the Axis powers as a key means of social control!
The evidence for this judgement is overwhelming. It will be necessary merely to develop the main points here:
1 . The Anglo-American cabal knew the German plan (Barbarossa) to launch their Russian campaign well in advance, yet took no steps to inform the Soviets;
2. The cabal deliberately delayed the opening of the Second Front until June 6, 1944, a few short months after
the startling Soviet counter-offensive finally carried Russian troops off Soviet soil into pre-war Poland. The Anglo-American push for Berlin began then;
3. The cabal had worked up detailed military occupation plans for Europe by early 1942. Though there were differences between the British and American sections for obvious reasons on the precise imperialist design for the "post-war" world economy, the hegemonic U.S. economic perspective laid out in 1941 was the version implemented a few years later.
4. With few exceptions, the cabal organized around neo-fascist and Nazi collaborationist forces in Axis occupied countries during the war. They also subverted the resistance movements in Western Europe and the Balkans by organizing counterinsurgency insurgencies; and, arranged deals with Nazi generals in several cases for collaboration in smashing revolutionary resistance organizations. The Soviets were never given so much as a look-in in any of the Anglo-American military governments established during the war (e.g., Italy and Greece), even when they themselves were intimidated into playing a counterinsurgency role. The Anglo-American ruling stratum has been an occupation force in Western Europe ever since!
5. The cabal's strategy in the Far East was similarly designed to draw the Soviets into war of attrition with the Japanese military machine, while simultaneously organizing fascist (e.g. Tai Li, the "Chinese Himmler") and nationalistic (e.g. Mao, who received strong OSS overtures) forces to ultimately drive Soviet influence out of South Asia. When the military situation in the West and East became clarified, the cabal demonstratively dropped the atomic bomb on Japan to prevent the Soviet Union from invading Japan (1,000,000 Soviet troops were poised in Manchuria). Japan has also been under virtual American "democratic" occupation ever since.
Through its covert political support of the Nazis from 1941, the cabal by 1945 had the blood of over twenty million Russian dead on its hands; had assumed co-responsibility for history's most barbarian atrocity - the slaughter of millions of European workers in Nazi concentration camps; and, had initiated the process of the enslavement of billions of people worldwide, who are now being prepared for "zero growth" annihilation to maintain the Anglo-American SS's financial holdings.
But by July, 1945 the cabal was already completely dissatisfied with their limited achievements. "Averell [Harriman] was very gloomy about the influx of Russia into Europe" wrote Anglo-American SS leader James Forrestal about his co-conspirator. "He said that the greatest crime of Hitler was that his actions had resulted in opening the gates of Eastern Europe to Asia." The
Anglo-American SS detente with the Soviet Union today is the same chimera as its "alliance" with the Soviets during the war. The inhuman creatures of the cabal will not be content until they have subjugated peoples of the entire world, even if this means, as Marcus has put it, "launching a nuclear war which destroys most of the USA, Canada and the Soviet Union, and which therefore leaves the Rockefeller family in fascist control of everything else that survives."
In the space allotted here we can present only some of the choice morsels from the clear evidence for the cabal's World War II conspiracy. Those stimulated to probe more deeply are referred to relevant memoirs and books which help illuminate the subject, which are identified in the notes at the end of this article.
Rudolf Hess' flight to England in May, 1941 was an exercise in neither aerial acrobatics nor pure psychosis. It came at a time when Hitler was completely absorbed in finalizing his plan for an all-out offensive against the Soviet Union. Hess' spontaneous "peace mission" was designed to inform Churchill of the "Barbarossa" attack plan and secure Anglo-American support for the looming Nazi drive into Russia. The West German newspaper Der Spiegel, in an editorial in its April 22, 1974 edition, implies this obvious fact. Spiegel cites the galleys of a forthcoming book by Colonel Eugene K . Bird, the former American Commandant of the Spandau Prison, on his conversations with Hess at the prison. According to Der Spiegel, Bird showed Hess a section of a book he has been preparing, a passage in which Bird alleges that Hess told the British of Hitler's detailed plan for the then impending attack on the Soviet Union. Der Spiegel reports that Hess insisted that Bird retain this section for publication. This was, Der Spiegel summarizes, Hess' indirect way of answering in a positive fashion Bird's question about whether he had told the British about the German attack plan.
The cabal's conspiracy to "delay" the opening of the Second Front in Europe is blatant evidence that the conspirators hardly needed Hess' inspiration to formulate its own plans on the project. At least, on five separate occasions from Molotov's visit to Washington in May, 1942 through the Teheran Conference in November, 1943, Churchill-Roosevelt devised lame excuses for the delay, while promising the Russians immediate action. As the tide in the East began to turn and a German collapse became a real possibility, Churchill's imperialist elite and the Stimson-Roosevelt patrician-financier faction laid their conspiratorial plans for (Operation) RANKIN, later modified to become OVERLORD. On March 30, 1943, General George C. Marshall sent Roosevelt a memo designated "super secret," which
identified the dangers to American European occupation plans if the Soviets continued to make progress against their Nazi foes. By the end of August Roosevelt was saying to his fellow conspirators that "United Nations troops have to be ready to get to Berlin as soon as the Russian," and by November, 1943, he forecast that "There would definitely be a race for Berlin," and suggested that "We may have to put the United States divisions into Berlin as soon as possible."
RANKIN, worked out and agreed upon by the Anglo-Americans before the Quebec conference of August 1943, was a political-military plan for the occupation of Europe based on three contingencies: a partial German collapse which would call for an Anglo-American landing at Normandy prior to June, 1944; a substantial collapse with larger Anglo-American landings to follow throughout all of France; or, a total German collapse or something approaching it which would initiate a general invasion of all Western Europe and an Anglo-American armored and airborne Blitzkrieg into the Rhineland and northwest Germany with paratroop occupation of key centers in Berlin.
Special troops were held in readiness long after D-Day, when the plan was again modified in the light of the yeoman work OSS special agent Allen Dulles was performing for his Anglo-American SS brethren in Berne, Switzerland. Dulles, under the cover of Roosevelt's "Unconditional Surrender" policy, was making considerable progress in secret negotiations with Heinrich Himmler, Gen. Karl Wolff and the Nazi SS leadership (see later) to arrange a separate peace with "the West" and to establish the possibility of a post-war role for the Nazi SS (as distinct from Hitler) in occupied Germany. Although this wasn't to come off, the contingency scheme, known as "Operation Talisman" and later "Eclipse," kept special paratrooper task forces in readiness through at least Easter, 1945. The plan to meet the contingency of "a deliberate German collapse in the West only" called for a quick assault on Hamburg, Berlin, and the northern coast of Germany.
George Keenan, a Stimsonian insider at the State Department, craftily put forward, in cover form, the Anglo-American SS's understanding of the psychological impact they were having on the Soviets in 1944: "The second front was a paramount requirement of all Russian policy. The suspicious Russian mind naturally exaggerated the danger of Russia's being left in the lurch by her western Allies. To offset this danger the Kremlin was prepared to go a long way to meet the requirements and the prejudices of the western world."
The Soviet Allies, of course, knew little or nothing at the time about the insidious growth of the Anglo-American
SS octopus and its conspiracies, and could only observe the practical consequences of the monster's plans and machinations. When the cabal officially launched the Cold War, the Soviets had time to reflect on what was going on. Either they never grasped the real significance of the developments we have outlined or, in fear, they simply chose to forget and muddle [through]. It would do the Soviets well now to recall - and to also recall that those who don't learn the lessons of history are bound to repeat history's great mistakes. Perhaps for the last time.
Stimson and McCloy (later High Commissioner of the AMG in Germany) at the War Department had fully developed military programs for the occupation of Europe by the beginning of 1942. Military Civil Affairs schools were established first for the Army (at Charlottesville, Virginia in 1942) and later for the Navy (at Columbia University and Princeton) and the Air Force (at Orlando, Florida) to train special divisions of military and especially civilian specialists for future counterinsurgency duty in occupied countries. While OSS officers were receiving training in special warfare from the British SOE, their counterparts in the "civil affairs" field were learning to become "all-round citizen soldiers" in the tradition of the British Colonial Administrations of World War II is the take-off point in the U.S. for what was later to become the vanguard of the Anglo-American "Waffen SS" and "SSD" military and police branches.
At the same time McCloy laid down the law, on behalf of the American patrician-financiers to his British imperialist elite colleagues, as to who in the alliance had the muscle to really run the imperialist show after the occupation conquest: "European deliberations must be made in the light of the concepts of the new continent because that continent has now, for better or worse, become a determining factor in the struggles of the older one. All this and more can be said against the spirit which motivates the London tendency. One cannot control the shift of power (if that is the heart of the matter) by such artificial devices in any event."
This warning was directed as much to Roosevelt as to Churchill, for Stimson and McCloy both considered Roosevelt a scrawny boy in front of the imperial Winston.
Given that the cabal's strategy prescribed ultimately moving in on Axis-controlled countries, the political directives given to the civil affairs sections are telling.
These were instructed to retain "local laws, customs, and institutions of government" as well as local officials and police except where this might conflict with the goals of the military government.
Within the cabal. there was an internal struggle for hegemony throughout the war between the top British leadership and its American sympathizers (the "London tendency"), and the inner core of conspirators around Stimson, McCloy and Marshall. It was the latter who better sensed the emerging new realities of economic, political. and military power, represented in the Rough Rider, Civic Federation tradition. The latter two and, especially, young Nelson Rockefeller, chief of war planning for the Latin American sphere, were particularly confident of their own patrician-financier counter-insurgency tradition.
Food control and "civil resettlement" were two critical political weapons of their military occupation plans. As we have seen, the Rockefeller Foundation World War I experience and the CCC resettlement of millions of young workers in the 1930's had developed much of the necessary know-how.
As the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) was being established with Soviet participation in the fall of 1943, Stimson was urging and preparing direct American military administration of food control for Western occupied areas. Stimson cited the success of the American World War I effort in stamping out Communism in this way in central Europe" as the precedent. By August, 1946 the U.S. patricians formally withdrew future U.S. support from the UNRRA organization. Hereafter, the elitist British imperialists would have to ride the coat-tails of the new masters of the cabal.
The issue had already been drawn more sharply in the 1941-44 period when the American SS leadership laid down the law on the shape of the post-war world economy, Lord Keynes and the British imperialists put up a fight but the American section of the new SS was united
and unyielding on the goal of making the dollar the underpinning of the coming imperialist world order.
In 1944 at Bretton Woods this was formalized as the new Dollar Empire. The semi-independence of the sterling bloc was shattered, world markets and resources were opened to American penetration and domination, and the way was cleared to dictate economic production and development world-wide according to the financial instruments (pieces of paper) and institutions (e.g. International Monetary Fund [IMF]) firmly in the grip of the Rockefeller-Morgan international financier faction.
The rising new Anglo-American imperialism had a globe to conquer as a means of getting out of the depression. Three decades later, its financial institutions were fracturing and its imperial order was crumbling. The cabal exercised the option some of its more ignorant "leaders," such as U.S. Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau, thought necessary (for at least Germany) back at the close of World War II - the de-industrialization of the advanced capitalist sector and the forced imposition of out-and-out totalitarian regimes in Western Europe and North America under Anglo-American SS control.
We will deal soon with the cabal's subversion of the Italian resistance movement as the paradigm example of the phenomena. It is only necessary to present immediately some of the other egregious examples in outline.
In the French situation, the American wing of the cabal supported the Vichy government in France and Nazi collaborator Admiral Jean Darlan in North Africa, while attempting to boost the French nationalist neo-fascist Henri Giraud, who was strictly the cabal's creation as an alternative to the hated DeGaulle and, of course, the left. The British went along with these
intrigues, while maintaining a lukewarm relationship with DeGaulle and his Free French forces centered in London. They were forced to accept the reality of DeGaulle's power by 1944 only after all attempts to sabotage his growing strength had failed. At least he would prove to be useful in crushing the revolutionary resistance movement in France. The cabal finally joined with DeGaulle for that task in late 1944 and 1945. As subsequent events through 1974 have shown, they were correct in early perceiving Gaullism as a strong potential obstacle to their conspiratorial schemes.
In Greece the cabal's military forces would ultimately engage in an all-out war in behalf of a right-wing totalitarian puppet government, to eradicate the mass-based revolutionary resistance movement. As early as 1943, Churchill and his circle had British SOE agents organize counterinsurgency insurgencies, instructing anti-communist resistance groups to cooperate with the newly-formed (Nazi) collaborationist "Security Battalions." As a Nazi report on the political situation in 1943 noted: "... it is significant to note that the so-called Anglophiles ... are the most persistent in demanding that the Germans take action against the Communists."
The cabal's role in Yugoslavia during the war is particularly revealing. The OSS penetrated and assumed control over Nazi-collaborator and proto-fascist Draza Mihailovik's Chetnik countergang, which they encouraged in its war against Tito and his Partisans. Meanwhile, the SOE with OSS support attempted to infiltrate Tito's Partisans, with the intention of splitting them into warring factions and pulling them from the Soviet orbit of influence. All the while, the cabal practiced a conscious carrot-and-stick food and weapon control program in this plot to keep alive the option of decimating
the Partisans or absorbing them into a "progressive anti-soviet coalition" in an independent semi-colonial state. Tito booted them out but the Anglo-American SS has never given up trying - recent internal nationalist rumblings and "humanist" intellectual dissent is their work.
In Latin America Nelson Rockefeller was performing even more abominable feats as Coordinator for Inter-American Affairs (CIAA). Appointed to this psychological and special warfare post by FDR, on the recommendation of James Forrestal and the inner circle at the War Department, the 32-year-old Rocky was assured by FDR that "You'll have an absolutely free hand - there will be no political interference."
In addition to watching over daddy's oil wells and the Chase National Bank investments in Latin America, Rocky found time in 1944 to launch the brainwashing "mental health" clinics in Haiti (run by U.S. military civil affairs personnel). These were later to become, under the guidance of Rockefeller "Nazi doctors" Nathan Kline and John R. Rees, the means by which to spread Papa Doc Duvalier's witchcraft and voodoo throughout the world. The Seven Principles of Kawaida and its symbolism, the credo of their SLA countergang, is derived directly from the brainwashing experiences conducted at these Haitian "mental health" centers.
At the dedication ceremonies of the very first Haitian clinic in 1944, Rocky was the main speaker. An octogenarian patient in the crowd suddenly stood up and shouted to Rocky: "I'm cured!" Specifically recalling this "miracle" later, Rockefeller movingly remarked: "This was a different kind of foreign relations than had been practiced by our old-school diplomats. It had a sense of reality and it gave meaning to the word 'democracy.'"
But, Rocky did not consider this type of counter-insurgency to be his main achievement during the war. He modestly reserved his yeoman service in behalf of Juan Peron's "progressive" fascist dictatorship in Argentina for that honor! In the process he developed his skills for later use in conceptualizing the creation of worldwide food shortages. Back in 1944 he already saw this tactic as a means of not only threatening bourgeois governments, but also creating social chaos and confusion by imposing vicious austerity on the working class.
Rockefeller's original suggestion in the cause of protecting Anglo-American SS investments in Argentina was to offer to buy up Argentina's large meat and wheat SURPLUS. When Colonel Juan Peron came to power in a coup against the Buenos Aires government and joined the Axis countries. Rockefeller saw little need to change his "hemisphere unity" policy, an updated version of the Monroe Doctrine.
Noting that Peron was now the "strong man" in Argentina, Rockefeller argued that "he would be chosen President in a free election anyway because he has already exploited the resentments of the people particularly of the workers, against the old oligarchy of land-owners and their political allies."
Rockefeller recommended, with War Department support, that an all-Latin American-North American Conference of U.S. puppet governments be set up under Rockefeller direction "to leave the situation up to them and be guided by them." "The important thing is to get the Argentine government reoriented in its policies and to join in cooperation with the republics," Rockefeller told the State Department's Adolf Berle, in rejecting the latter's advice to avoid secret negotiations with the Peron regime. Rockefeller had been personally approaching Peron informally throughout this period.
To "appease" a hostile State Department, which opposed Rockefeller's "clandestine" contacts with Peron, Rocky suggested a boycott of Argentine meat, as well as 400,000 tons of Argentina's fats and oils destined for Britain. This Rocky maneuver came at a time when fats and oils were already in critical world-wide shortage. Secretary of State Cordell Hull, the chief opponent of the Stimsonian inner circle, was astute enough to see that this ploy was not only a shot at the "London tendency" but was also an all-out assault on the British and American working class, which his department felt was already under severe enough rationing controls. Hull summarily rejected the recommendation.
Rockefeller's cynical response was: "But, our position is inconsistent - I believe the people of this country would be willing to sacrifice by eating less meet in order to combat Nazi penetration of the hemisphere."
Rockefeller personally drove Hull from office in 1944 and persuaded FDR to replace him with Edward Stettinius, son of a Morgan partner and chairman of U.S. Steel, a man more sympathetic with the Stimson cabal's conspiratorial schemes.
At the Inter-American Conference on War and Peace, held in Mexico City in Feb.-Mar. 1945, Rockefeller pushed through a resolution (the Chapultec Act) calling for the inclusion of Peron's Argentina in the soon-to-be formalized United Nations.
Acting on his own without Presidential approval, on April 18, 1945 Rocky sent flunky Avra M. Warren, director of the Office of American Republic Affairs, on a special mission to Argentina to report on Peron's "progress" in bringing "democracy" to Argentina. Warren naturally returned with glowing reports. Rockefeller foes in the liberal bourgeois press, oblivious to or hostile to the conspiracy that was World War II, openly attacked Rockefeller as "pro-fascist and anti-Russian." They, of course, have learned their lessons since then and are now aboard.
The Washington Post in April, 1945 blasted the Rockefeller-Warren report extolling the "progress" of the Peron regime as the document of "Nazi sympathizers" and ran an article from Buenos Aires by New York Times correspondent Arnaldo Cortesi which said in part:
This regime has done things recently that exceed anything that this correspondent can remember in his 17 years of experience in Fascist Italy ... Rockefeller extols the "progress" report from Buenos Aires by Avra Warren ... all the news reported on the day after the report was issued was the reestablishment of censorship and from then on a steady stream to the concentration camps of the best friends this country even had in Argentina. 
A Congressional investigation which of course never came to anything, was launched into U.S. relations with Argentina in the U.S. Congress. But Rocky was hardly finished.
With strong backing from Stimson and McCloy against the State Department "fuddie-duddies," he demanded that the hemisphere "collective self-defense" Chapultec agreement (with its explicit support for the Peron regime) be incorporated verbatim in the Charter of the U.N.! Needless to say, this threatened the very survival off the U.N. Only an incredible accommodation by Stalin on regional agreements a week later kept that organization from aborting during birth.
More than 25 years later the Rockefellers and their Anglo-American SS cronies would again find use for the "anti-American-anti-imperialist-progressive" Juan Peron. It was the cabal which re-installed him, to sucker the infantile Argentine left (and even the CP!) into
support of re-imposition of a fascist dictatorship over their own dead bodies.
In the Far East, meanwhile, the approaches that OSS agent professors John Fairbank, John Service, Owen Lattimore et al. were making to Mao, Chou En Lai, and the guerrilla army, and the psychological profiles and national ideology studies they were filing, would also prove useful a quarter-century later. Recognizing the essentially nationalist datum of Mao's peasant-based insurgency, and its counterinsurgency potential, many OSS officers pushed for a "progressive anti-Soviet coalition" with them even at that time. The Anglo-American SS, of course, reaps big rewards (including the looting of China) from those pioneer insights today.
The OSS - A Major Tavistock Tentacle
While the Churchill-Stimson cabal worked out the grand war strategy, developments also critical to the generation of the new SS were taking place in the pit.
The British imperialists around SOE and Tavistock were busy creating America's first special warfare organization, the Office of Strategic Services (OSS).
Both Donovan and Bruce are on record with the opinion that OSS forerunner organization, the Coordinator of Information (COI), would not have survived its birth pangs if the organization had, in fact, not been virtually run by William Stephenson and his covert British Security Coordinator (BSC).
It was Stephenson's BSC, the representative in the U.S. of both SOE and SIS before Pearl Harbor and for months afterward, that supplied the bulk of COI's secret intelligence.
Stephenson's BSC put experts in every branch of secret activities, intelligence, counter-espionage, subversive propaganda, communication, and "special operations" of all kinds, at Donovan's disposal. These brought the COI into the field of "black" or subversive propaganda short-wave radio broadcasting. Stephenson's BSC by 1941 had already commandeered (by secret arrangement) both the IBM-controlled short-wave sending Station WRUL in Boston and General Electric's Station KGEI in San Francisco, from which BSC transmitted covert subversive propaganda in 22 languages.
The BSC also took charge of the training of all COI officers, irrespective of division, at a special BSC school set up near Toronto, Canada. Many of the future OSS and Office of War Information (OWI) leaders learned the full gamut of their new subversive trade from British specialists during this period. The list includes Capt. James Roosevelt, eldest son of the President, David Bruce the multi-millionaire businessman who had
married into the Mellon fortune, Dr. William L. Langer, the Harvard historian who was to head the key Research and Analysis division of OSS. Colonel Edward Buxton, the Rhode Island businessman and OSS Deputy Director during the war, and Robert E. Sherwood, the playwright who later ran the Overseas Branch of OWI.
During this pre-OSS period an important and bitter struggle erupted between Donovan and Sherwood on the critical questions of the relationship of COI to the military and on the nature of political propaganda. Donovan wished his special warfare organization directly under the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the War Department. Following his British imperialist mentors he argued:
Foreign propaganda must be employed as an instrument of war - a judicious mixture of rumor and deception, with truth as a bait, to foster disunity and confusion in support of military operations.... In point of fact, propaganda is the arrow of initial penetration in preparing the people of a territory where invasion may be contemplated. It is the first step; then fifth column work; then militarized raiders or "commandos"; then finally the invading divisions. 
Sherwood insisted that the propagandist should stick scrupulously close to the facts, and accused Donovan of advocating Hitler's "Big Lie" techniques. With some foresight he warned that if the agency should become a supporting arm of the military it would become at some likely future point in time an American Gestapo.
While Donovan was in London during June of 1942, conferring with Chief of Combined Operations, Vice-Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten, and arranging collaboration with SOE Director Charles Hambro (the virtual owner of Greece) and SIS Chief Colonel Menzies, Roosevelt moved to settle the dispute that was ripping COI into two warring factions. On June 13, 1942 Roosevelt appointed CBS news analyst Elmer Davis to head a new agency, the Office of War Information (OWI) which would handle overt or "white propaganda." Donovan was to be chief of the Office of Strategic Services, whose mission was phrased in language intentionally broad enough to encompass "black propaganda," unorthodox warfare, guerrilla abilities behind enemy lines, contact with resistance groups, subversion, and sabotage.
Tavistock Selects OSS Agents
From the flood of bankers, industrialists, lawyers, professors, journalists, etc., who streamed toward the elite special warfare organization came many of the future leaders of the Anglo-American SS.
John W. "Common Crook" Gardner spent the war period studying and practicing the brainwashing and selection techniques of Dr. John R. Rees and Eric Trist
of Tavistock, as OSS psychologist in charge of "personnel assessment." The Rockefellers quickly recognized his Reesian talents and tapped him to direct four of the leading "real CIA" organizations over the next three decades: the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund, the Carnegie Corporation, the Health, Education and Welfare (HEW) Department, and Common Cause. The latter Rockefeller front is in the forefront of the cabal to impeach Nixon and destroy Constitutional government in the U.S. in behalf of "progressive fascism."
Arthur Goldberg, one of the Rockefellers' leading saboteurs in the labor movemen, headed the OSS Labor Desk. He would continue that counterinsurgency tradition as a Rockefeller emissary at a variety of new SS posts throughout the post-war period.
Allen Dulles, the Rockefeller international legal representative and a director of the Standard Oil Corporation, was OSS chief of Secret Intelligence for Europe and later head of the CIA.
Richard Helms, also a future CIA director, was Dulles' liaison man to Wehrmacht intelligence chief General Reinhard Gehlen. Dulles and Helms had fully integrated the Nazi "Gehlen organization" into OSS months before the German surrender!
William Colby, the current leading mass murderer in residence at Langley, Virginia, received his training as an OSS Special Operations officer from the SOE in London. The techniques of assassination, sabotage, and countergang organizing he learned at SOE's special training school were the very methods he later used in directing the CIA's Project Phoenix in South Vietnam. The CIA's Phoenix, under the guise of "subverting the NLF infrastructure," initiated the mass assassination atrocities including the murders at My Lai, which were blamed on the U.S. Army.
J.P. Morgan's two sons, Junius and Henry S., powerful bankers in their own right, were in charge of the "laundering" of all OSS funds and the counterfeiting of all OSS identity papers respectively.
Many other leaders of the Anglo-American SS conspiracy were groomed in OSS during the war. Arthur Schlesinger published the Research & Analysis journal; Roger Hilsman was a counter-guerrilla fighter in Burma; Walt Rostow and C. Douglas Dillon R&A economists; Stewart Alsop, the journalist, joined the British Army and later was assigned by OSS to penetrate the CP-controlled wing of the French Resistance. Also, Thomas Braden, who worked closely with Alsop in this venture and later became Deputy Director of the CIA and Cord Meyer's mentor. Braden continues his CIA activities today under cover assignment with the Los Angeles Times. Meyer, since 1954 head of CIA's SO branch, has been directing the Anglo-American SS' plot to impose a totalitarian regime in Great Britain, which jumped off with the brainwashing of ICLC member Christopher White and the Heathrow Airport Red Scare.
Most of the leading patrician, financier, and industrialist ruling families were represented by at least one member. The OSS roster read like a list lifted from the Social Register: Ryan, DuPont, Vanderbilt, Bruce, Armour, Mellon, Archbold, etc. Significantly, Theodore Roosevelt's grandson Quentin Roosevelt was an OSS Special Operations officer stationed in China (where he was killed); and, Raymond Guest, Winston Churchill's cousin and a ten-goal polo player, was also aboard the OSS special warfare ship.
According to the OSS Assessment Staff's own account in their voluminous post-war report Assessment of Men, it was Dr. John Rawlings Rees and his Tavistock crew at the British War Office Selection Board (see Minnicino)
who contacted the London office of OSS to suggest that the special warfare organization adopt Tavistock's selection and training methods. At the time (Oct. 1943), OSS was operating without any selection procedures at all and, as a result, experiencing serious difficulties retaining OSS officers and maintaining their morale.
The OSS Assessment Staff under Lt. Colonel Henry Murray, John W. Gardner, and "Nazi doctor" Kurt Lewin (see Freeman [referring to Rockefeller's Fascist Labor Policies in same issue]) frankly recalled its heritage and revealed the Anglo-American SS future plans in one of the opening passages of their work:
The plan described in this book was devised to fit the special needs of the Office of Strategic Services, but it would not take much ingenuity to modify some of the techniques and to invent others of the same type to meet the requirements of other institutions.
These methods were first used on a large scale by Simoneit, is described in Wehrpsychologie, and after them be the British. Our particular debt is to the band of imaginative and progressive psychiatrists and psychologists who devised and conducted the War Office Selection Board (WOSB) program for testing officer candidates for the British Army. From them we gained the valuable idea of having staff and candidates live together in the country during the testing period, and the conception of leaderless group situations. 
Those familiar with the adage that nobody ever leaves the CIA except six-feet under the ground may have wondered how such a control could come to be exerted. The answer, in part, lies in the insidious methods of Dr. John Rawlings Rees and his Nazi predecessors. Before a potential agent has even been accepted for training by the CIA be has already been effectively brainwashed during the selection.
Rees' "leaderless groups" were, in reality, groups of candidates artfully manipulated by outside programmers in completely contrived and controlled situations.
For example, "Nazi doctor" Nathan Kline, then with the War Shipping Administration, describes an officer "selection" procedure Rees personally set up for the U.S. Marines in 1946.
Twenty candidates were gathered together in a group and told their future as a squad in the Marines was dependent upon beating the record of all other Marine units who had tried to solve the problem they were about to be presented. Then, they were told to imagine they were on a deserted island and the unassembled life raft before them had just drifted ashore. With suitable appeals to their "team spirit" they were instructed to break the record in getting the raft assembled and off the island.
Psychological warfare specialists standing nonchalantly on the sidelines observed carefully the approaches of each individual in the group to the problem. Did he immediately rush into a trial-and-error mode of operation or stand back and size up an over-all solution? Did he exhibit gung-ho enthusiasm and motivation or withdraw in alienation from the situation? Which man would move for leadership and manage to enforce group discipline and draw out "team spirit?"
When they had tabbed their "leader" a ruse was used (e.g. an alleged invasion on the other side of the island) to pull him out, together with three or four bunglers, so as not to arouse suspicion, and the psychological warriors would observe the rise of a new "team leader."
In one OSS version of this Reesian "test," stooges hired from outside OSS were inserted with instructions to bait and slander the candidates and to consciously attempt to thwart and sabotage their building of a tent. Psychological response to the stooges' affronts and provocations were carefully recorded.
One purpose of these insidious and artificial schemes
was, of course, to encourage mindless "team spirit" and to select the most rabid and competent "team leaders." Another aim, when combined with the candidate's Personal History questionable and other written tests, was as Personnel Assessment bluntly states to compile a "psychological profile" of each man for later use.
It was still necessary, however to destroy whatever real ego strength the candidate still possessed. This was the intention behind Rees' stress tests. In one such test Tavistock employed at the WOSB, candidates were reduced to animal bestiality. In Rees' "chest-expander stress test" copied from the Nazis, "increasing electric current came through as the candidate made his maximum pull on strong springs."
A still more insidious Reesian stress test was borrowed by John "Common Crook" Gardner for use by OSS. In this brainwashing scheme the candidate was given twelve minutes to construct a "cover story" to be presented to interrogators who "caught him" stealing government documents marked "SECRET" from a Government office in Washington. He was told this was a "make-or-break" examination encouraged to internalize a plausible new identity, and warned that his answers to his interrogators must not compromise OSS organizational security or blow his cover.
When the candidate was finished thinking-up his cover story, he was brought into a dark room, a spotlight blinding him and three "Gestapo agents" facing him. For the next several minutes these brainwashing specialists would almost always tear to shreds the victims hastily constructed cover story by various "tough cop-soft cop" ("Mutt and Jeff") methods, well-prepared staccato catch questions, physical brutality, etc. Almost without exception, the candidate was left dazed and confused. Then the "Gestapo Agents" would abruptly break off the
grilling with a dissatisfied air, saying "We now have abundant evidence that you have not been telling the truth. That is all." After the interrogation board had ostentiously engaged in some whispering back and forth would come: "Your name is Jones, isn't it? ... It is our decision, Jones, that you have failed this test."
The crestfallen candidate was instructed to go up stairs. There a staff member would pretend to commiserate with him and suck him into revealing his deep inner emotions and fears in this pleasant atmosphere following the earlier great tension. Most of the broken candidates would readily open up to talk about their childhood in response to questions like "As a psychologist I've been wondering whether there weren't times in your childhood somewhat similar to this when you concealed petty things from your mother when she questioned you." Usually the candidate would naively pathetically ramble on about his mother, his early sexual experiences. etc. By this time OSS not only had its desired psychological profile - it also had crushed the last vestiges of genuine ego strength in its victimized potential agent and was now in a position to manipulate and program him almost at will to play ball with "the team."
The most up-to-date utilization of these Anglo-American SS brainwashing methods combining the two Rees "stress tests" in one super-fascist package, was unwittingly revealed by the Sunday Times of London on January 27 [1974? -xcriber]. In an article about the U.S. Army Special Forces entitled the "New Secret Service" the Times describes the "counter-interrogation" techniques now used in what is unbeknownst to the Times, really a new killer Waffen SS.
The four-stage brainwashing program starts with testing for sensitivity of the nervous system through flashing words or symbols on a screen for fractions of a
second - in order to find if physical torture or isolation in solitary would better "break" him; phase 2 is the breakdown of troops' identity by teaching him how to develop a "plausible alter ego" (alibi); the third phase involves brutal group attack or self-criticism sessions (further destroying ego strength) to "simulate" enemy interrogation; and the final phase instruction in "beating a lie detector" involves among other things pairing strong electric shocks with ordinary everyday words. This technique which would have obvious value for the CIA in preparing Waffen SS or brainwashed vets for zombie murderer hit squads is described under its counter-interrogation cover as follows:
"These ordinary words therefore acquire an emotional meaning for the man trained for a certain mission. Thus in an interrogation, with a mixture of control and conditioning, the man's responses will appear chaotic and misleading. "
"Strategic Bombing" - More Lessons from the Fascists
The Italian fascists and the Nazis were also the inspiration of another weapon of mass mental and physical destruction for British imperialist mad "scientists." This is what the British euphemistically called "strategic bombing." Soon enough the British passed this new "ultimate weapon" on to their American patrician counterparts.
During the 1920's, Fascist Italy's Commissioner of Aviation, General Guilio Douhet, introduced the doctrine that "command of the air" would guarantee victory in the wars of the future.
He argued that such preponderance would give a country the ability to launch massive strategic bombing attacks on enemy population and industrial centers. Not only would this cause enormous physical suffering and great economic dislocation, but Douhet claimed more importantly that it would have such enormous psychological impact that it would destroy the enemy nation's will to resist. Douhet had been impressed to this effect by the psychological and military effects of German World War I air raids and attacks on Italy, Britain and other nations.
As a result of Douhet's tremendous influence Italy was the first power to emphasize the air arm. However, it was the British who were the first to create an independent air service, the Royal Air Force (RAF). The RAF was established in 1917, as a response to two German daylight air raids on London.
Under the leadership of Chief of Staff Lord Hugh Trenchard (1918-29) by the late 1920's, the RAF had adopted Douhet's position in behalf of the massive
bombing of enemy urban and industrial centers as part of their official doctrine although the RAF barely understood the psychological side of Douhet's thesis. In fact, Trenchard's close friend, P.R.C. Groves, Director of Flying Operations (1918), had written several articles in behalf of a reductionist military notion of "strategic bombing" even before Douhet's The Command of the Air appeared in 1921. Meanwhile, U.S. General Billy Mitchell thumped for the "strategic bombing" in United States Army Air Corps.
The Nazis were even more blunt than their Italian Fascist allies about the true nature of the saturation bombing missions on which they sent the Luftwaffe. They labeled this kind of bombing simply "Terrorangriff."
The British leadership scarcely needed the inspiration of Luftwaffe attacks on London and the earlier Italian air terror campaigns in the Spanish Civil War to prepare their own cruder experiments in "terror bombing" under the rubric of their "strategic bombing" doctrine.
The military and technical end of the British preparations for "strategic bombing" was handled by a small group of technicians gathered around physicist P.M.S. Blackett (of "Blackett's Circus") who headed the development of a practice dubbed "Operation Research" (OR). OR had originally developed in the RAF during the 1930's but it was Blackett's work for the Navy in 1940 which catalyzed its takeoff. By 1941 Blackett had established "mixed team" OR groups in all three British military services composed of physical scientists, mathematicians, statisticians, biologists, etc. These living examples of (Darwinian) evolution proceeded throughout the war to serve as computers before the computer was even invented - feeding bomb weight, damage statistics, population density, body count, etc. into their OR formulas to select the site of the next Anglo-American air terror operation.
The British OR crew spread the germ to Dr. James B. Conant, chairman of the U.S. National Defense Research Council. Soon OR grouplets were proliferating in the U.S. Armed Forces and American universities under war contracts. The Americans, addicted to "technological and quantitative 'solutions,'" became the real carriers of the OR disease.
Soon after the war, in 1946, seventy-three American scientists who were OR specialists during World War II founded, with Army Air Force funding, Project RAND, the forerunner of the RAND Corporation, to carry on the genocidal tradition they had recently initiated.
It was as the official war drew toward a close in late 1944 that the psychological warfare side of "strategic bombing," underlined by Douhet and intuitively
understood by the Nazis, began to be incorporated systematically into the planning and evaluation of Anglo-American SS bombing policy. The responsibility for this lies with Dr. John R. Rees, his sidekick, Henry Dicks, and the fascist Tavistock crew. It represented quite simply the spread of their influence.
Dicks expanded his mapping of "national ideologies" during the war to distinguish "multiple publics" within each target nation. He drew up "psychological profiles" of each of these groupings (e.g., Nazi Party members, SS members, Resistance fighters, factory workers, rural residents, POW's etc.). Dicks examined the probable memorable responses" of each of these "types" to projected political-military campaigns and action programs.
He broke down the German population into five categories for the same purposes: "hard-core" Nazis, Nazis "with reservations," "unpolitical" Germans, "passive" anti-Nazis, and "active" anti-Nazis. The PWE and the PWD, under Dicks' guidance (according to one source Dicks was hegemonic over both!) were therefore able to increase the psychological impact of the bombings on the Axis nations and their "multiple publics" through the application of these analyses to their psywar leaflets and broadcasts - even though these considerations had barely been incorporated into the planning of the actual bombing.
More importantly, Dicks' lead in generating "national ideology" maps (begun in 1939-40) was picked up on by OSS research and Analysis (R&A) branch, which proceeded to organize its research around this core conception. The world's first Counterinsurgency University OSS R&A pulled together specialist teams of psychologists, historians, anthropologists, sociologists, economists, etc. to work together to create "area maps" and to produce "strategic surveys." They focused their
various techniques on specific problems in order to come up with critical estimates of particular national situations. As Stimson protégé and Anglo-American SS leader McGeorge Bundy was to note years later, this was a crucial development for the Anglo-American SS conspiracy:
"It is a curious fact of academic history that the first great center of area studies in the United States was not located in any university, but in Washington, during the Second World War, in the Office of Strategic Services. In very large measure the area study programs developed in American universities in the years after the war were manned, directed, or stimulated by graduates of the OSS - a remarkable institution, half cops-and-robbers and half faculty meeting. It is still true today, and I hope it always will be, that there is a high measure of interpenetration between universities with area programs and information - gathering agencies of the government of the United States." 
Not surprisingly, it was John R. Rees' protégé John Gardner, and Rockefeller servant James Perkins, president of Cornell University (see Freeman) who catalyzed this Anglo-American SS conspiratorial penetration of U.S. universities. R&A head Dr. William Langer recalls:
"Back in 1944, John Gardner, later head of the Carnegie Foundation, and James Perkins president of Cornell, visited my office and expressed their opinion that R&A had pioneered an important new direction in education. After the war, the Carnegie Foundation put up the initial money to start Russian and Middle East and Far East Research Centers at Harvard and Columbia and elsewhere, with sociologists and historians and political scientists all working on the same area study - a very important part of the modern university curriculum." 
It was this development which guaranteed the career of such vicious OSS R&A operatives as Herbert
Marcuse and John Fairbank who have hopscotched from one counterinsurgency thinktank and university to another ever since, with occasional time off to help the CIA organize counter-gangs, anti-soviet fronts, etc.
When the OR crew at the RAND Corporation finally became aware of the new trend they turned to none other than Henry V. Dicks to supply them with their first "area study" and "psychological profile" of the Soviet Union. Dicks entitled his RAND study appropriately "Observations on the Russian National Character." 
The OSS R&A branch and especially its Survey of Foreign Experts (SFE) sub-division, was already having an influence on bombing policy by early 1943. The SFE achieved this by applying the "area studies" method to the specific problem of potential bombing objectives, then translating their recommendation onto R&A Strategic Survey and topographical maps. These maps were passed onto Churchill through Sir William Stephenson and became a conspicuous feature of his famous map room. Churchill also took the R&A maps on official journeys. At the Quebec Conference in August 1944, the story goes, he called Roosevelt into his room, pointed to the wall, and said, "See, I've got them too!"
But it was Stimson's War department in collaboration with the Morgan international financier faction, that was to directly base its work in the field of "strategic bombing" on Tavistock's insidious groundbreaking psychological warfare practice.
On November 3, 1944, Stimson created the United States Strategic Bombing Survey and instructed it to assess "the total direct and indirect effect of a sustained attack against the economy and morale of a nation."
The Morgan financial faction supplied the bulk of the personnel and leadership for the Survey, which based itself in London. Franklin D'Olier, President of the Morgan-controlled Prudential Life Insurance Company, was Chairman of the Strategic Bombing Survey. Henry Alexander, Chairman of the Board at J.P. Morgan & Co., was the Survey's Vice-chairman. The other officers read like a Who's Who in the Anglo-American SS leadership: George W. Ball, John K. Galbraith, Paul Nitze, Rensis Likert and so forth.
Prudential was mobilized for the effort with 250 company "volunteers" under the supervision of Prudential vice-president Harry Volk, assisting in the production of the 208-volume report. In the book The Story of Human Security, a Prudential self-testimony, the results are lauded: "The reports prepared by the Strategic Bombing Survey had a profound effect on the conduct of the last years of the war.... In large part they were responsible for the continuation of strategic bombing which crippled the German offensive and
reduced Japanese industrial production by more than 80 per cent by VJ Day. More important, perhaps, they provided a full useable record upon which to base the strategic and training of the peacetime military forces."
Prudential is proud of its role in the mass destruction of the civilian working-class population of Germany and Japan (while Krupp and Farben industrial plants were left intact). Its pride swells to peacock proportions when it recalls the psywar record it supplied to U.S. occupation forces and the CIA for use in controlling the German and Japanese working class. Prudential, of course, is the same outfit that would later (1968) collaborate with Dr. John R. Rees in Newark. N.J. to create the fascist twin "Boer War" counter-gangs of LeRoi Jones (Baraka) and Anthony Imperiale.
The Survey sent staff teams into Germany in late 1944 and early 1945 to interview the different elements of the population to determine, for purposes of future bombing policy, the psychological impact "strategic bombing" had had on German morale. The Survey interviews, as close examination reveals, were taken directly from the special questionnaires Henry V. Dicks had developed some time before for use by SHAEF Field Intelligence officers, POW interrogators, and espionage operatives. In addition, the Survey based its study of the morale effects of the Anglo-American "strategic bombing" on German civilians and leaders, on the very same "types" and "multiple publics" that Dicks had delineated in his original "national ideology" map. Therefore, it would be more correct to label the key section of the Strategic Bombing Survey report treating the "Morale Effects of Strategic Bombing" the "Tavistock Report on Terror Bombing." The report not only supports the Italian Fascist and Nazi theses, but develops Tavistockian psywar refinements that are the basis for the insidious "rational nuclear warfare," "controlled response" (first nuclear strike) policies of the Anglo-American SS today.
First, the Survey report suggests that General Douhet's doctrine, as practiced by the Anglo-Americans was a stirring success:
"Strategic bombing was the major means by which the Allies were able to strike a direct blow at the morale of German civilians....
"The German experience suggests that even a first-class military power - rugged and resilient as Germany was - cannot live long under full-scale and free exploitation of air weapons over the heart of its territory. By the beginning of 1945, before the invasion of the homeland itself, Germany was reaching a state of helplessness....
"Allied air power was decisive in the war in Western Europe. Hindsight inevitably suggests that it might have been employed differently or better in some respects." 
One possible amplification or Reesian innovation would be to utilize limited "strategic bombing" or the mere threat of such bombing primarily for the attainment of psychological victories that soften up the opponent for the kill:
"Continuous heavy bombing of the same communities did not produce decreases in morale proportional to the amount of bombing, the biggest drop in morale was apparent in a comparison between unbombed towns and the only lightly bombed. The morale in towns subjected to the heaviest bombing was no worse than that in towns of the same size receiving much lighter bomb loads....
"These observations of the diminishing returns from heavy bombing point to the practical conclusion that the maximum morale effects of dropping a given tonnage of bombs on Germany would have been attained by lighter raids as widely distributed as possible rather than by concentrated heavy bombing in limited areas....
"It appears that the raids did not have to be directed against a particular area in order to affect adversely the morale of the population in that area. The news of the raids in other places was effective in depressing morale because it intensified both fears of losing the war and feelings of helplessness, and also created anxiety about future raids against the local area." 
The leaders of the enemy nation (Soviet Union) will be prime targets of the psy warriors:
"Confirmed Nazis were frightened by bombing, but this fear did not necessarily produce a willingness to give up. Nevertheless even the Nazis were affected by bombing and on some measures their morale suffered as great or a greater drop than did that of others." 
Today, as Marcus has demonstrated, the Anglo-American SS psywar ploy is to sucker the Soviet leadership into accepting the rules of the "limited" nuclear warfare chicken game that the new SS proposes to play. This "foot in the door" approach is designed to prepare a massive first strike attack on the Soviet Union after having won relative immunity from counter-attack by having out-maneuvered the Soviets and softened them up.
There should be little doubt, however, that such potentially fruitful psychological warfare games aside, the real aim of future Anglo-American SS "massive retaliation" (first strike) bombing policy will be the maximum required economic, physical, and psychological destruction of the working class enemy:
The psychological effects of bombing are not limited to the ordeal of the air raid. The level of morale under bombing is determined by the terror of the attack and of its immediate objective consequences in terms of civilians killed and maimed, homes destroyed, families broken up by evacuation, and utility services destroyed or disrupted. It is in this context of the total dislocation of civilian life that the morale effects of bombing must be understood.... 
"Civil resettlement" and "food control" policies may be begun from the air:
But in order that its full importance may be grasped, the "air terror" movement of 4,884,000 must in great part be related not to the entire duration of the war, but exclusively to the last 21 months, between June 1943 and March 1945.... The disruptive effects of such mass movement and migration of almost 5,000,000 civilians are impossible of statistical calculation by the very nature of the chaos that accompanied them. The evacuations produced economic and administrative disruption of German civilian life.... Evacuation wrought problems of food distribution and rationing. Evacuation upset the balance of food, and food crises were created in previously immune areas. 
For the purpose of Reesian "strategic bombing" is, after all, to create a completely controlled environment in which Anglo-American SS defines all responses of the survivors of its terror bombing attacks (e.g. general nuclear war):
The main psychological effects are defeatism, depression, despair, fear, helplessness, fatalism, and apathy. The popular notion that bombing stiffens the resistance of a people finds little confirmation in the facts of German experience. 
It was on the basis of this War Department-Tavistock report (then near completion) that Stimson, McCloy, Conant, and Marshall on June 6, 1945 made their recommendation to Truman to drop A-Bombs on Japan. Operations Research (OR) and Tavistock had done their work well.
We can see from the above then, that by September 30, 1945, the day the survey issued its report, Tavistock and OR had already supplied the Anglo-American SS with all the ingredients of the poisonous conglomerate brew that makes up Anglo-American bombing policy (and the demented mind of James Schlesinger today): "massive retaliation" (nuclear first strike); "controlled response" and "counterforce" (nuclear first strike); "limited" or "rational" nuclear war (psychological warfare communication preparing first strike); and Megadeath count of survivors in Rockefeller-controlled post-nuclear war world.
It should not surprise us to find the New York Times, a leading press arm of the cabal, opening James Schlesinger's recent psychological warfare campaign against the Soviets by pulling out the Tavistock "Bible," the Strategic Bombing Survey. On Jan. 15, 1974, just days following Schlesinger's renewed threats of "limited" nuclear warfare, Herbert Mitgang, in a Times editorial page commentary entitled "Overview on Bombing," exclaimed that "a new version of the Strategic Bombing Survey could extend the reach of thought."
The New York Times-Schlesinger effort to guide Henry Kissinger's "negotiations" in Moscow failed to dupe Soviet military leaders. Attempting to extend Tavistock's reach of thought to the Soviet Union, Henry
pushed hard to bait the Soviets into accepting the rules of the "rational" nuclear warfare chicken game. By his own admission, Kissinger failed to achieve the "conceptual breakthrough" desired by Schlesinger's employers.
Special Forces and the Penetration of the Military
The cabal's penetration of the traditional military accompanied and complemented the growth of the SOE and OSS, Britain's and the United States first two independent) special warfare agencies.
As previously noted, Churchill, hoping to develop an offensive capability in a terribly defensive situation, during the 1939-40 period, established within the military itself a Special Service Brigade whose highly mobile elite units were called Commandos or Striking Companies.
The British Commandos wore the Green Beret to denote their elite status - and the special training they received also foreshadowed the instruction their direct descendants in the American Special Forces "Waffen SS" receive today. These men of the new SS were driven through mountain-climbing and snake-eating paces, and taught the arts of assassination, demolition, and other means of sabotage, as well as infiltration and subversion, as part of their "survival course." Their earliest missions, usually undertaken in collaboration with their haute bourgeois new SS comrades of the SOE, were raids along the "enemy" coastline that stretched from the Pyrenees far away to North Cape in the Arctic Ocean. These were designed from late 1941 on as a cover to impress the Soviets with the "seriousness" of British intentions to fight the Germans.
In October, 1941, Churchill implicitly announced the first giant step in the creation of a new kind of military
- the Counterinsurgency Military. He appointed Lord Louis Mountbatten to head a new interservice organization known as Combined Operations. This authority was assigned the major task of coordinating and directing special warfare divisions in all three military services. From the outset, the elite troops of special warfare units were organized into a formation outside the traditional military branches, while remaining at the same time inside each of the three military services.
Churchill's creation of the Combined Operations supra-military command under Mountbatten signalled the formation of a British "Waffen SS" force which would continue to expand its size and strength at the expense of the traditional British military, which the new "SS" would continue to subvert from within. Air, naval and army special warfare units would hereafter together engage in combined special operations under the jurisdiction of a leadership separate from the traditional military command.
As we shall see, the CIA was originally set up by the Anglo-American SS in 1947 to replicate Mountbatten's Combined Operations command for the United States! The British Combined Operations command introduced the new "Waffen SS" idea to the Americans during the war, training the elite American Ranger special warfare units (e.g. Darby's Rangers) and similar formations. The American Rangers were largely decimated in France during the battles that followed the invasion at Normandy, although special eight-week "Ranger combat training" continued at Fort Benning Georgia throughout the post-war period. Now in 1974, the lightly armed elite Ranger battalions are being reintroduced in the U.S. Army as "instant reaction forces." For the
Anglo-American SS the showdown with the Western working class is once again at hand.
These updated, new "Waffen SS" lightning strike forces will be small - approximately 600 officers and men - and lightly armed and equipped, nothing heavier than mortars, machine guns and simple anti-tank weapons. Unlike their brothers in the Army Special Forces Green Berets from whom they will incorporate some key divisions, the Rangers are primarily a troubleshooting, highly mobile offensive fighting force.
They are programmed for use by the cabal in the tradition of much of their World War II work - where they were often called upon to raid and sack the headquarters of revolutionary left groups, round-up and sometimes shoot communist resistance leaders and fighters, break up strikes and political demonstrations by resistance forces, and guard key communications installations. Today's Rangers are also given rudimentary training in military "civil affairs" administration, thus qualified to assist other new SS military sections specially trained for this purpose in helping run the military governments planned for the near future.
Mountbatten was to play an even more critical role in the development of American military special warfare divisions and the penetration of the traditional armed services after he was tapped to lead the Anglo-American Southeast Asia Command (SEAC) in 1943. In fact, the Anglo-American Burma campaign which Mountbatten directed from that time had, as we shall show, many of the essential features of the CIA's covert counter-guerrilla operations in Vietnam from 1954, especially during the 1960's when all of South Vietnam was viewed as "enemy territory."
In the spring of 1942, following the failure of General Joseph W. Stilwell's initial Burma campaign, "Mother" Donovan moved to set up America's first major special warfare unit, OSS Detachment 101, pulled together in Assam near the border of Burma. The 25-man unit included not only SOE-trained OSS officers, but also several officers Donovan had recruited from regular army units, including Capt. William "Ray" Peers who would later head the outfit. The semi-autonomous OSS Detachment 101 was to be parachuted into Burma to conduct surprise night attacks on Japanese supply and communications lines, stage jungle ambushes, and terrorize the Burmese population under Japanese control. Donovan also instructed his OSS special warfare unit to organize a counter to those "fifth column" forces the Japanese had employed against Stilwell's men.
OSS Detachment 101's first significant act was to organize a counter-gang of Kachin tribesmen, a mountain people with a long history of hostility not only
to the Rangoon government but to all other Burmese ethnic groups as well. Anticipating the Montagnard tribesmen counter-gang the CIA would employ in South Vietnam, the Kachins were cruel and cunning jungle fighters. To win their confidence, OSS Detachment 101 conducted a proto-"civil affairs" program. Extensive medical supplies were flown in to the Kachin tribe, OSS officers constructed a bamboo hospital and surgical clinic, weapons and huge food supplies were made available, etc.
With the Kachins leading the way, OSS established some 20 field stations along a 600-mile front in Burma. Railroad lines were interdicted, bridges blown up, and hit-and-run raids on both native villages and Japanese regiments were undertaken. In the meantime, OSS officers extended their SOE "guerrilla warfare" education on the laps of their Kachin levies. The Kachin guerrilla unit, which was to expand to an extremely useful counterinsurgency force of 10,000 by 1945 (Detachment 101 also grew to nearly 600 OSS officers), also gathered intelligence and provided cover for the Army engineers along the route of the new Ledo Road.
When Mountbatten became Supreme Allied Commander, Southeast Asia, he immediately made the suggestion to General Marshall that the Americans establish a larger special elite striking force for the pending campaign to retake northern Burma. This elite unit, which came to be known as Merrill's Marauders, was made up of army veterans who had seen considerable combat action in the South Pacific. "Marauders" was an appropriate name. In a pattern that would be repeated in South Vietnam over 20 years later, the Marauders, together with the OSS and their Kachin playmates, sacked native Burmese villages and called in Tenth Air Force fighter incendiary bomb attacks on "enemy held" towns. OSS Detachment 101 officers under Ray Peers joined with the Marauders and later Stilwell's 3000-man "Mars" force (augmented by the 25,000-man 36th Division) in directing the incredible destruction on land and from the air which followed. Large sections of the population and much of the country's infrastructure were wiped out in this orgiastic reign of terror.
General Stilwell only grudgingly accepted the new "Waffen SS" trend being thrust on him by Mountbatten and Donovan. General MacArthur and the vast majority of the military leadership were much more hostile. MacArthur spent the entire war trying to keep OSS out of the Pacific theater and protecting traditional military modes of operation. His battle with the OSS-CIA came to a head in 1950-51 when, despite CIA warnings of China's determination to fight back, he launched his ill-fated "Home-by-Christmas" offensive on November 24,
1950. In MacArthur's showdown with the Anglo-American SS leadership which followed, Truman sided with the patrician-financiers and summarily dumped the outspoken military traditionalist.
The OSS and their Kachin counterinsurgency guerrilla army played vital roles in suppressing native uprisings and moving against the Burmese Communists as the Mountbatten gang consolidated its hold over what was left of the Burmese economy and population at the close of the war. In recognition of their barbarian efforts in behalf of the Anglo-American SS, the Kachins were awarded (in a solemn ceremony) an extremely rare American medal, the Civilian Military Assistance award.
The criminal heritage of Peers' OSS Detachment 101 hardly ends in the jungles of Burma. Their tradition was carried on by the Central Intelligence Agency's special operations branch (D/DP) in the jungles of Indochina. It was the CIA and its agent, Col. Edward Lansdale, whose covert operations in South Vietnam began the U.S. war against the Vietnamese in 1954. Using mercenary soldiers, primitive mountain tribesmen, their Vietnamese special Police creation, and their own Special Forces, the CIA perpetrated massacre after massacre and atrocity after atrocity on "VC-controlled" villages in South Vietnam. The CIA even began to use American Regular Army units to carry out mass assassinations of Vietnamese civilians by 1967-68.
In fact, Lt. William Calley and his Charley Company's massacre of civilians at My Lai in 1968 was performed under explicit directives from the CIA agent in charge of the CIA 's Operation Phoenix for Quang Ngai Province, Robert B. Ramsdell!
When the massacre at My Lai came to light, the Anglo-American SS arranged the appointment of none other than (now) Lt. General and CIA agent William "Ray" Peers to conduct the "Army's" secret investigation of the mass murder. Peers himself had earlier been involved in CIA "special warfare" projects in South Vietnam! Nelson Rockefeller sent in his former special assistant, Wall Street lawyer Robert MacCrate, to co-chair the Peers Commission CIA cover-up investigation.
These agents of the Rockefeller-CIA cabal used the opportunity to achieve a goal that, as we shall soon demonstrate, they had been pursuing for over two decades - the takeover of the traditional American military machine. The independence and hegemony of their Special Forces would at last be a reality; so would the Anglo-American SS's command of the U.S. military, their Counterinsurgency Army.
The Peers Commission proceeded to:
1. Destroy Anglo-American SS traditionalist factional opponents in the top military brass, several of whom were indicted;
2. Scapegoat Calley and the U.S. Army;
3. Completely conceal and cover up the CIA's direct responsibility for the My Lai massacre.
Although none of the Peers indictments ultimately stuck, that was never the point of this CIA-Rockefeller psywar effort. The traditionalists were forced to take the rap for both the atrocities and military defeat in the Indochina war though, in fact, it was the failure of the CIA's counterinsurgency strategy that was primarily responsible for both. Rockefeller's opponents in the military bureaucracy were left confused, discredited, and demoralized, their forces in disarray - while the CIA-Rockefeller forces moved immediately to begin to reorganize the armed forces around the voluntary army while consolidating their power base in the Pentagon around James Schlesinger.
The Burma Road had moved to Vietnam, soon to be brought back home to the United States. Faithful chauffeur "Ray" Peers had driven the whole route for his Anglo-American SS masters.
The New SS and the Italian Resistance
The new SS approach to the occupation of Italy was, as we suggested earlier, paradigmatic of their strategy in Western Europe in general. There are crucial historical lessons to be drawn from this example as the Anglo-American SS readies fascist regimes in the immediate future.
It was not only the Roosevelt wing of the Anglo-American SS that admired and appreciated Mussolini's fascist syndicalism. Reflecting completely the outlook of his syndicalist American patrician-financier co-conspirators. Churchill later wrote in his memoirs:
He [Mussolini] was, as I had addressed him at the time of the fall of France, "the Italian lawgiver." The alternative to his rule might well have been a Communist Italy, which would have brought perils and misfortunes of a different character both upon the Italian people and Europe. His fatal mistake was the declaration of war on France and Great Britain.... Even when the issue of the war became certain, Mussolini would have been welcomed by the allies. 
The tragedy for the Anglo-American SS was that by the time they finally moved into Italy in September of 1943, the fascist friends of Mussolini (e.g., Marshal Badoglio) they immediately rallied around them were already largely discredited with the Italian masses and hence were unable to contain the elemental surge of revolutionary layers in the Resistance.
While preserving intact most of the fascist infrastructure,
the Anglo-American SS was forced to seek a syndicalist alternative to outright fascist rule which could isolate and neutralize the revolutionary left, absorb non-revolutionary resistance forces, and live in harmony with the fascists and their old infrastructure under an Anglo-American military occupation government. In terms of a solution to this problematic ["a matter or issue that is problematic"] the cabal's strategy and action in Italy represents in microcosm the new SS's approach to most of the rest of Western Europe during this period.
In preparation for the invasion of Sicily, which took place on July 9, 1943, the OSS and the Office of Naval Intelligence made provisions for the American Mafia to direct clandestine operations on the island, in return for the parole of Mafia chief "Lucky" Luciano. Assistant New York District Attorney Murray Gurfein, the very same ubiquitous fascist who would soon work with Grossman and Dicks as chief of Intelligence at the Psychological Warfare Division (SHAEF) and later rendered the judicial decision on behalf of the New York Times-CIA in the "Pentagon Papers" case, arranged the "deal" to spring Luciano. The cabal's cynical use of their Mafia friends set the pattern for their future conspiratorial intrigues in Italy itself.
With the wind obviously blowing in the Anglo-American direction, Fascist Army Chief of Staff Pietro Badoglio, the "Conqueror of Abyssinia," the moronic little Italian King, Victor Emanuel III and the Fascist Grand Council deposed and arrested Mussolini on July 25 for refusing to break with Berlin. After opportunistically fishing for terms with both the Nazis and the Allies over the next month, Badoglio, the King and crew fled Rome for the south and into the waiting arms of the Anglo-American invasion force in late September. In return for their own unconditional surrender, the Anglo-American
cabal promised to recognize these scum as the legitimate Italian authorities under the AMG.
By mid-October 1943, Stimson's War Department made explicit the Anglo-American SS line in instructions to theatre commanders: "It is expected that the carabinieri and Italian Army will be found satisfactory for local security purposes."
Not only did the AMG and the Badoglio government rely on fascist institutions, they increasingly appointed fascists to important military, security, and civil administration posts. As an Allied Control Commission report bluntly put it:
...the bulk of officials were and had to be Fascists to earn their daily bread. The appointment of an efficient man [by the Allied Control Commission] nearly always means the appointment of a Fascist in some degree, with resulting criticism.... 
To meet that growing criticism from Resistance groups, a contrived "defascistization" program was begun in 1944. Less than 5 per cent of those brought up on charges to the review boards were dismissed from their official posts.
The pre-war contact work amongst Italian fascist layers by two young Foreign Service officers now attached to OSS, David Bruce and Earl Brennan, proved valuable to the Anglo-American occupation. Brennan, now with OSS in Italy and Bruce had befriended officials in Mussolini's secret police, leaders of the powerful Italian Masonic Order, high-ranking fascist officials, and chiefs of the Italian Mafia exiled in Canada. Many of these elements provided the underpinning for the early occupation of Sicily and southern Italy.
Alert OSS and SOE officers perceived almost immediately what had, in fact, been true for some time the
fascist movement, institutions, and leadership had lost their radicalism. The Badoglio forces by late 1943 in reality represented nothing more than classical reactionary technocratic and bureaucratic rule. Having no program or method to get the masses to participate actively in their own self-enslavement, the Badoglioni commanded little or no support from the Italian populace. It was not simply disgust with Italy's military debacle and economic ruin that drove hundreds of thousands into the Resistance movement in southern Italy and the Nazi-occupied [north?] with the Allied invasions of Sicily and the south of Italy in the summer and fall of 1943.
Mussolini's fascism in its heyday had been oscillating continually from radical national syndicalist organs in the factories and towns through which workers participated in the corporativist state and economy. By 1934, with fascism beset by serious economic problems and rowing extremely stale, Mussolini sought to overcome popular discontent by resurrecting the factory syndicalist organizations and radical community institutions and movements that would once again generate motion and enthusiasm in behalf of his Fascist Party and the cents that would once again generate motion and enthusiasm in behalf of his Fascist Party and the Corporative State. At the time of the invasion, Mussolini's ossified fascism had long since entered its final "Thermidorian" stage.
As the invasion was proceeding in September 1943, a group of disgruntled "left" syndicalist bankers, merchants, "intellectuals," and petit-bourgeois youth was meeting in Florence in north central Italy. The underground grouping was not fundamentally different from the Mussolini circle of "radical" and nationalist anti-Bolshevik socialists, "left" syndicalists, and anarchists who had founded the Fasci di Combattimento in Milan almost twenty-five years before. If this gang which named itself the Action Party had not sprung up, certainly the OSS and the SOE would have created it from scratch. Hardly a month after its formation, the Action Party was already working as a fully conscious tool for OSS and SOE.
The Action Party's Florence "program" was, from the point of view of the Anglo-American SS, just the type of anti-capitalist syndicalist mish-mash that could be used to mobilize, absorb, and control the masses for the future occupation government on their drawing boards. The stuff out of which counterinsurgency insurgencies are made was all there. The Action Party program called for workers' participation in running industry and profit-sharing; the nationalization of monopoly industry; "radical" agrarian reform with local control by peasants of the land; a strong executive and the condemnation of the old parliament; and a "planned economy."
The leadership of this new syndicalist gang was equally attractive to the Anglo-American SS. "Left" bankers and businessmen like Adolpho Tino, Bruno Visentini, and Raimondo Cravieri were prominent leaders. So were professionals like Ugo La Malfa and syndicalist activists like Ferruccio Parri. All were to play a critical role in the subversion of the CLN and CLNAI, the southern and upper Italian Resistance coalitions. Later in 1945, under Anglo-American supervision, they would form a government with Parri at its head, as a fresh syndicalist replacement for the shopworn Badoglio and his successors.
The Anglo-American occupation forces faced a potentially messy situation in the fall of 1943 as they dug in and prepared for a drive against the Germans occupying Rome and other cities to the north. Even prior to the toppling of Mussolini from above, Communists had led workers' strikes in northern Italy during March of 1943. A spontaneous mass uprising had "liberated" Naples days before the Allied landing. In the fall of 1943 the Communist Party organized a large Partisan group. The Socialists (PSIUP) under Pietro Nenni, very powerful amongst workers in the cities, did likewise (around a United Front program to take power). Neo-Trotskyist groups like the Movimiento Communista Italiano grew dramatically.
By the winter of 1944, despite the heavy presence of armed German troops, mass strikes involving close to one million workers took place. Workers were out for over a week in Turin. Hundreds of thousands had flocked to the banners of Partisan groups in the CLN and CLNAI, and millions of workers and peasants were contemplating joining them. Yet, on December 8, 1944 the leaders of the dominant CLNAI coalition signed a secret accord with the Allied Command, "the Protocols of Rome," in which they agreed to: (1) follow the orders of the military government before and after "liberation"; (2) hand over power to the military government upon its arrival in the north; (3) allow the Anglo-American authorities to appoint the military head of CLNAI; (4) concentrate energies on safeguarding northern industrial plants from Nazi attack (such as the power installations of the American-dominated multinational corporation "ltalian Superpower"); and (5) stage a rapid disarmament after the Germans surrendered in the north. In return the Allied command merely promised to step up financial aid and the shipment of arms and supplies to the guerrillas. What had happened??
Shortly after the Anglo-American entry into, Italy, SOE officers grabbed the ancient philosopher, Benedetto Croce from his villa in German-occupied Sorrento and brought him to Capri. There, together with OSS they schemed with the pro-monarchist conservative
"anti-fascist" philosopher to prepare a long-term alternative to the discredited Badoglioni. Croce suggested to Donovan, who was in Italy on an OSS inspection tour, that OSS-SOE should form a new Italian "volunteer corps" that would fight directly under Anglo-American command. To command such a legion, Croce proposed retired World War I hero General Guiseppe Pavone, "a patriot and a liberal."
At the same time Croce introduced OSS agent Peter Tompkins to Raimondo Craveri, his son-in-law and an official of a powerful pro-syndicalist Italian bank. Craveri had just returned from Rome where he had worked with the Committee of National Liberation (CLN) as a leader of the newly-formed Action Party. With Cravieri's strenuous efforts, with full SOE and OSS backing, preparations for the Pavone Corps (now known as Gruppi Combattenti Italiani) counter-gang moved swiftly forward. Then, through intermediaries Cravieri had Donovan's memorandum endorsing the Pavone Corps sent to Badoglio. Badoglio, particularly impressed by the OSS argument that the Pavone Corps would pre-empt domination of the resistance by the "unusual Communist element," gave his ready support.
OSS-SOE plans to launch the Pavone-Cravieri syndicalist counterinsurgency insurgents received a temporary setback when Allied Control Commission, then under British domination, ordered the corps first trimmed to 500 men and then disbanded altogether after the Badoglio government had formed its own Royal Army combat group. Churchill and his fellow British imperialists, ignoring the advice of his SOE officers, was for the time being throwing his marbles in with Badoglio and his fascist friends, and was not anxious for Pavone to emerge as a competing leader.
OSS with Roosevelt-Stimson backing and covert SOE aid then worked out a new arrangement with Cravieri to FBI a secret espionage-counterinsurgency corps to link up with the Action Party in the north and penetrate the CLN. This new group, the Organizazione della Resistenza Italiani (ORI) absorbed many of Pavone's volunteers and recruited many new agents, some from the Italian Royal Navy.
OSS assigned the ORI agents the task of working in concert with the Action Party, infiltrating the other partisan groups, and transmitting back military intelligence. OSS promised to continue to maintain and supply Cravieri's counter-gang, and infiltrated them into the north in late 1943. In time, the secret ORI became the communications hub of the entire northern underground.
Meanwhile, in an OSS pincer movement to completely capture the Action Party plum. Allen Dulles from his haunt in Berne contacted the syndicalist vermin Ferruccio
Parri toward the end of 1943. For the next year, according to Dulles, the Action Party political activist faker Parri made constant trips across the German-guarded border to see the OSS SI chief and SOE officer John McCaffery and his British colleagues. During this same 1943-44 period Dulles was immersed in an advanced stage of his "separate peace" negotiations (Operation SUNRISE) with the top Waffen SS leadership. As we shall see, the paths of these two Dulles undertakings would cross at the beginning of 1945 (if they hadn't already).
During this period, the emotionally unstable and demagogic Parri was emerging as the most prominent spokesman for the entire northern Resistance. This was in no small measure attributable to the fact that food supplies, weapons, and funds kept pouring into his Action Party from the Anglo-Americans while most of the other partisan groups were forced to beg, borrow, and steal their provisions.
While OSS-SOE built the Action Party's counter-insurgency insurgency, they continued to work with the (fascist) Italian Army's military intelligence service, the SIM. SIM was similarly used to penetrate and subvert the revolutionary partisan groups; examples were legion of SIM collaboration with the Nazis in fingering and exterminating Communist and socialist resistance units and leaders.
For another crucial aspect of the Anglo-American SS's counterinsurgency game plan, the subversion of the Italian Socialist Party, Nelson Rockefeller lent his bloodstained hand. The Rockefeller family had recruited the Italian socialist exile Serafino Romualdi to the staff of their flunky - labor lieutenant David Dubinsky of the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union (ILGWU). In 1942, Rocky tapped Romualdi for a counterinsurgency tour of duty with his CIAA in Latin America. In 1944, Rockefeller and Adolf Berle recommended Romualdi to OSS as "an advisor on Italian labor problems." This agent "extraordinaire" was still attached to the CIAA and Rockefeller however throughout the forthcoming period.
Romualdi arrived in Italy in June 1944, shortly after Allied forces finally drove the Germans out of Rome. "Special Agent" Romualdi, headquartered in the apartment of his brother-in-law Guiseppe Lupis, an Italian Socialist leader, set out to break the Socialist-Communist United Front by building a strong right wing faction in the PSIUP.
Romualdi used all the weapons at the counter-insurgents' command for this effort - novelist Ignazio Silone was smuggled back into Italy from his exile in Switzerland where he was in contact with Allen Dulles, funds were channelled from the Italian-American Labor
Council to socialists willing to break with the CP-dominated General Labor Federation; Socialist resistance fighters who agreed to avoid any alliance with the Communist Party were provided scarce food and supplies. "We were preparing for the day which many of us regarded as inevitable when the Communists would have to be opposed" was the way Romualdi slyly put it later in justification of his actions.
Baron Francesco Malfetti, the Socialist Party leader, also served as a special agent for OSS. Malfetti, who as of 1972 was Italian ambassador to France, was the secret transmission belt from the Socialist underground in Rome to Tompkins at OSS who passed on the information to the Allied Military command.
The treachery of Joseph Stalin was also of no small help to the Anglo-American SS in their drive to prevent the growth of a revolutionary resistance movement. On March 13, 1944 the Soviet Union, without consultation with Roosevelt or Churchill, granted full diplomatic recognition to the Badoglio government. Shortly thereafter Palmiro Togliatti, the grizzled veteran Italian CP hack, returned to Italy from Moscow and offered to join the fascist-royalist cabinet. This pathetic Soviet accommodation to the Anglo-American SS, of course, badly split the CLN. Reactionary CLN leaders like Croce [and] American puppet Carlo Sforza rushed to enter the Badoglio cabinet. Togliatti was so grateful for this turn of events that he even vetoed the appointment of a Communist as War Minister! Within a few months another Croce-type CLN leader Ivanhoe Bonomi replaced Badoglio as head of the puppet Italian government and the King was forced to abdicate to his son.
Nevertheless, cabal leader Averill Harriman was not amused by this helpful Soviet "intrusion" into Anglo-American "territory." He wrote Cordell Hull:
The Soviets should be made to understand that they have made an error in procedure which if continued will have serious repercussions on overall collaboration. We have a long and perhaps difficult road while the Soviets learn to behave in the civilized world community... If we don't [take firm steps] ... with each incident we may look forward to a Soviet policy of playing the part of a world bully. 
The ORI espionage-countergang, meanwhile was busy exfiltrating carefully selected CLNAI leaders and delegations to southern Italy to meet with the Allied command. In November 1944 Parri headed such a delegation with other Action Party leaders and key representatives from other CLNAI partisan groups which laid the groundwork for the Protocols of Rome. Then a month later Parri headed the CLNAI delegation which
inked the Resistance Surrender.
Parri took his fellow CLNAI emissaries to celebrate with Allen Dulles in Switzerland. Dulles found them "considerably heartened by the show of Allied faith and support." Upon his return to his flat in Milan, Parri was suddenly arrested by the Nazis.
Although it is still not clear if Dulles had intentionally set Parri up, the arrest of his Action Party agent provided him with the opportunity to test the sincerity (and ability to deliver) of General Kurt Wolff, Nazi head of the SS in Italy, with whom he had reached near agreement in secret "separate surrender" negotiations by March 1945. Dulles presented the SS General with the "demand" that Parri be released.
Suspecting that Dulles was grooming Parri to be, as they put it, "the future strongman of Italy" the Germans readily granted this "demand" and the SS had one of their captains personally deliver him to Dulles in Switzerland. According to Dulles the emotional Parri "broke into tears and threw his arms around me." Dulles had no trouble convincing Parri to remain for the next few months in Switzerland so as not to compromise his delicate negotiations with the SS by, raising any eyebrows within the Italian Resistance.
Meanwhile mass strikes were erupting throughout Northern Italy. Dulles called a temporary halt to the clandestine separate peace negotiations with the Nazism instructing his SS friend, General Wolff, to return to his talian headquarters "to keep order and avert ruthless violence and destruction in Northern Italy."
A few days later, OSS agents Donald Jones and Emilio Daddario were ordered to rally their Action Party friends to effect the rescue of Wolff from his villa outside of Milan lest, as Dulles put it, "the partisans take their joyful moment of vengeance." As battles between Socialist partisans and Nazis flared in the streets, Daddario and his Italian syndicalist buddies similarly went to protect Gestapo chief Colonel Rauff at Gestapo headquarters in Milan. OSS finalized arrangements for Rauff's surrender to the Allied command. Anglo-American troops moved into the city the next day.
Faced with the reality of coordinated attack from both the new and old SS, Socialist partisans were soon forced after an heroic but short-lived struggle to relinquish their hold on Milan.
The Action Party was also active out in the field subverting the mass strike movement. These syndicalist creeps channelled the workers' rage into local factory issues and Balkanized the working-class movement on a town-by-town basis with the call for "local control." Having so suppressed the real political thrust of the workers movement, the Action Party counterinsurgent insurgents and the Anglo-American occupation forces
found it rather easy to convince the resistance to turn in its weapons to the Allied Military Government.
Shortly thereafter, the Action Party syndicalist counterinsurgents were to receive their reward for a job well done. Dulles released his agent, the childish Parri, to join with other Action Party leaders like Ugo LaMalfa (still today a leading Rockefeller political operative in Italy) to form a new Cabinet under AMG auspices and control. Anglo-American SS secret agents had emerged from out of the shadows into the sunlight. It is happening again today all over the world.
The Anglo-American-Nazi SS "separate peace" talks of March-April 1945 (they had been going on since at least 1942) provoked Stalin to momentarily stand up to the new SS conspirators.
Soviet espionage agents had gotten wind of the proceedings in Switzerland in which British General Terence S. Airey and American General Lyman Lemnitzer had joined Dulles, Wolff and Field Marshall Albert Kesselring. When Churchill discovered the Soviets' knowledge of the talks, he took it upon himself to protect the Anglo-American SS conspirators' cover. He invited the Soviets to send a representative to Berne. Churchill had reasoned that the Anglo-American SS would resume secret surrender negotiations elsewhere, "in a far more vital area than Italy. In this military and political questions will be intertwined. The Russians may have a legitimate fear of our doing a deal in the West to hold them back in the East." He saw no reason to blow future opportunities or expose the Anglo-Americans' long conspiratorial record.
Since the Soviets were already aware of the Berne plotting; and since there was considerable question about Wolff's standing with Himmler, Churchill had taken the bull by the horns. Churchill was looking ahead
to the problem of the occupation of Germany. The Anglo-American SS had gotten its signals crossed. The angry American patricians refused to grant the Soviets permission to send representatives to the Berne talks. After hinting they didn't [want] the Russians there at all, they cynically offered to tolerate Russian "observers" who would have no authority. Molotov insisted that the Berne discussions had been purely technical with "no political implications whatever." Stalin ignored this obvious lie and sharply retorted that the Russians considered the whole matter a plot to ease the German's position and permit their maneuvering of troops to the Eastern Front. He further claimed that the Anglo-American "negotiators" at Berne had reached agreement with Field Marshall Kesselring to permit the Anglo-American troops to shift eastward in return for easing the armistice terms.
Caught in their game, Roosevelt and Marshall could only express "astonishment," and repeat that "the meeting had no political implications whatever." To this end they reaffirmed the standard "unconditional surrender" cover line. Roosevelt then tried the tear-jerking "Dear Uncle Joe" approach: "Finally I would say this: it would be one of the tragedies of history if at the very moment of the victory, now within our grasp, such distrust, such lack of faith should prejudice the entire undertaking...."
Stalin was not moved. Citing the "strange and unaccountable" behavior of the Germans freely giving up cities in the West while fighting with 147 German divisions for every foot of land in the East, he insisted on the absolute necessity of Soviet participation in every surrender discussion. The Soviets had partially blown the conspiratorial agreement.
Competition within the top SS leadership also
prevented the consummation of the Dulles-Wolff separate peace deal. Himmler and his top SS sides, Schellenberg and Kaltenbrunner, were trying at the time, through Dulles and other OSS contacts, to swing their own "separate peace" agreement. They viewed Wolff's independent maneuvers with a jaundiced eye. Finally, in mid-April, Himmler moved to completely undercut the "renegade" SS Generals' Berne negotiations. Wolff, his hand forced, did the best he could to save his own skin by surrendering the SS and Wehrmacht military forces under his command in Italy to the Allies. On April 29, 1945, with Russians present, Wolff signed an unconditional surrender for Italy.
The Anglo-American SS still had plenty of irons in the fire of the on-going war against the Soviet Union and the working class. If the Soviets foolishly thought at the time that their first diplomatic counter-attack against the new SS had achieved much, they should have looked in on the new SS-old SS "peace party" held on the evening of the Wolff surrender. "Former" CIA agent R. Harris Smith briefly describes the scene: OSS officers flocked to Balzano, the headquarters of the SS and the Wehrmacht, to celebrate the peace. Amongst others, Gero V. S. Gaevernitz, Dulles' German advisor and an instrumental figure in the surrender negotiations, was there, exchanging champagne toasts with Wolff and his men.
The West German armed forces of 1974 are, in reality an SS Counterinsurgency Military under Anglo-American command.
There are, for today, many lessons implicit in this brief account of the real history of the Second World War. For the Anglo-American SS, World War II never
really ended. Antonio Spinola, the Real CIA's new fascist strong-man puppet in Portugal, merely blurted out this general CIA view when he recently stated, "The Second World War isn't over; there was only a ceasefire."
The new SS' war against the worldwide working class and the Soviet Union has now been sharply escalated in this conjunctural period. The Rockefeller-CIA conspiracy to impose totalitarian rule in Western Europe is in many fundamental ways a replay of their original Second World War (1943-1947) military occupation!
Through NATO, through their far-flung counterinsurgency network born during the war, and through their control over international financial institutions and cartels, the CIA cabal has continued to "democratically" occupy Western Europe throughout the post-war period.
By 1968, the new SS grip began to be threatened. The first signs of trouble were historically lawful. In 1967 the pound began to go under, and the first cracks in the Dollar Empire began to appear. The mass strikes that immediately followed in Western Europe reinvigorated the working class and put revolutionary politics once again on the agenda.
Mid-1971 brought the international monetary crisis, foreshadowing both the complete collapse of the capitalist economy and the Rockefeller-CIA showdown with the working class in North America and Western Europe. The rise in the 1967-1974 period of the first self-conscious revolutionary leadership since Luxembourg and Lenin, the NCLC and the ICLC, gave the working class a fighting chance.
Look around the world today. The syndicalist-fascist Peron re-installed by Rockefeller and the CIA in Argentina; Mao and Chou En Lai suckered into China's demise by the old OSS 1945 bait; Gaullist France
succumbed to the long-standing new SS onslaught; Italian fascist-syndicalist forces "left" and "right" once again generated by the Anglo-American SS with their carabinieri in ready reserve and bourgeois democratic governments, including those in West Germany, Britain, Canada, and the U.S. looking more and more like facsimiles of the "democratic" puppet governments under Allied Military Government control during the occupation. That is, Greece, Italy, and Germany 1945-1947.
This time there will be no "economic take-off" - the chickens have obviously come home to roost on the Anglo-American post-war "solution" to the preceding break-down crisis. If the Rockefeller-CIA forces have their way, the advanced sector will become one vast "zero growth" deindustrialized wasteland. This is what John D. Rockefeller III lays out in his The Second American Revolution. It is what the Rockefeller Foundation and the Ford Foundation "population control" policies have anticipated for the last twenty years. The Rockefellers established the Club of Rome just to promulgate the fascist zero growth ideology and ready the population in the West for the kill.
In a cruel joke, the CIA's Weathermen fascist countergang line is now official Anglo-American SS policy. Some capital will be moved to develop industrial pockets in the "Third World," as the advanced sector is turned into a new giant underdeveloped world. Counter-insurgency insurgencies have already been launched by the Rockefeller-CIA conspirators to ready certain layers of the Asian, African and Latin American population for Anglo-American imperialist exploitation in the chosen industrial pocket areas. This is the meaning of the sudden bourgeois nationalist anti-imperialist ferment in Brazil, Thailand, Ethiopia, Mozambique and so forth.
As the advanced sector is presented the "zero growth" final solution, of course, the living standard of the "Third World" will be driven down still further. Ultimately, the new "proletarian" pockets will be completely cannibalized too as the Anglo-American SS looters return the entire world back to the Stone Age.
Who are the Anglo-American SS leaders prepared to carry out this madness? The very same, patrician-financiers and elitist imperialists who planned and carried out the Anglo-American conspiracy during the Second World War! Men like Lord Rothschild, for example, one of the real powers behind the scenes in Britain today, who was SOE's foremost sabotage expert during the Second World War. Nelson Rockefeller, Paul Nitze, John McCloy, John Gardner, David Bruce. etc. still lead the American section of the new SS.
The same banking interests are still hegemonic - David Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan, the Morgan
banks, Brown Brothers-Harriman, Dillon, Read, etc. Their Tavistock and OSS-CIA agents are still the key SS leaders out in the field.
David Halberstam, in his fine work, The Best and the Brightest, traces the historical evolution of the Stimson-Marshall patrician-financier cabal through the 1960's and shows the historical continuity of their growth. He locates the newcomers to the inner circle. Men like McGeorge Bundy, whose father, Harvey, married a Lowell and then worked high up under Henry Stimson at the War Department. After helping Stimson write his memoirs, young Bundy joined Richard Bissel, his patrician professor at Yale during his undergraduate days, in Europe to help implement the Marshall Plan. When Bissel became head of Special Operations at the CIA, Bundy went with him again. The Bay of Pigs invasion was only one of their numerous jointly planned covert operations. Today Bundy heads the Ford Foundation, a leading Real CIA domestic counter-insurgency arm.
The real leaders of the Anglo-American SS cabal are a close-knit crew and high power positions tend to remain within the family. David Rockefeller, a youthful Army intelligence officer during the war, is now one of the most, if not the most, powerful strongmen in the Anglo-American SS. Michael Forrestal, son of the Secretary of Navy, is another top dog who played a critical behind the scenes role in planning the Vietnam war. William Bundy, McGeorge's older brother, was (and is) one of the most powerful men in the CIA. where he was officially employed for eleven years. He now works under David Rockefeller at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the main Anglo-American SS center for long-term fascist planning. Bundy edits CFR insider journal Foreign Affairs.
As the Second World War ceasefire was being declared, Tavistock's mad "Nazi" Doctor John Rawlings Rees was in New York speaking to an audience of military and civilian psychiatrists. Rees candidly remarked:
lf we propose to come out into the open and to attack the social and national problems of our day, then we must have shock troops and these cannot be provided by psychiatry based wholly in institutions. We must have mobile teams of psychiatrists who are free to move around and make contacts with the local area. (see Minnicino)
Rees' 22-point program for the "application of military methods to civilian life," presented in his lectures that constituted the book The Shaping of Psychiatry By War, became an Anglo-American SS Bible. The British-based Tavistock Institute has built a worldwide brainwashing network for Rockefeller and the CIA that is now
pivotal to their fascist plans.
In fact, the groundbreaking Anglo-American psychological and special warfare collaboration during the Second world War has grown enormously since that time. Stuart Alsop, an OSS officer and later CIA inside man, has written that the CIA and the British MI-6 virtually merged in the 1950's and the 1960's. He notes also the complete cultural homogeneity between the patrician Harvard-Princeton-Yale-educated leadership of the CIA (whom Alsop calls "the bold Easterners") and the elite imperialist "Oxford-educated" strata in command of MI-6,
Sir Kenneth Strong, a top British intelligence officer with SHAEF during the war, reveals in his book Intelligence at the Top that General Walter Bedell Smith offered him one of the top posts at the CIA when the latter became head of that agency in 1950. From the British side, Strong also describes the ongoing collaboration of British "intelligence" with the CIA.
In the realm of special warfare the British remain the hegemonic force in the Anglo-American SS conspiracy. Readers will recall that the Americans called on Sir Robert Thompson to revamp their Vietnam special warfare strategy in the late 1960's. British General Frank Kitson, as Minnicino has shown, is doubtless the Field Marshall for the Anglo-American SS today.
It is one thing to generate a conspiracy during a period of aggravated war-time crisis. It is another matter altogether, as Rees' remarks suggest, to sustain and extend its dominion throughout the period of apparent bourgeois peacetime normalcy. As things settled down after the war, the new SS set about to expand its World War II nucleus into a new fascist state apparatus (largely independent of the traditional bourgeois government). In the process they would permeate and dissolve the old order preparing to emerge as the hard core of a new imperial dominion.
For the American side of the new SS, the CIA was designed to be the hub, the coordinating center for the transition to, and creation of, the new fascist state. In the process of realizing this goal the new SS would have to brutally push powerful bourgeois enemies aside and penetrate, permeate, and dissolve their power bases and Institutional centers. For the United States this would eventually mean the virtual destruction of the traditional military-police structures and command; the dissolution of bourgeois institutions of the Presidency, the Congress, the Courts and the major political parties; and the phased annihilation of the strong conservative power center in the ruling class (e.g. McCarthy, the Hearsts, Nixon).
In the short space allotted here we can simply summarize in the briefest outline form the highlights in the
development of the hub, the worldwide coordinating center for the Anglo-American SS fascist conspiracy, the Central Intelligence Agency.
Readers interested in detailed if crudely reductionist accounts are referred to L. Fletcher Prouty's The Secret Team, Wise and Ross' The Invisible Government, and Michael Klare's War Without End.
Early Period From 1946
A National Intelligence Authority and, under it, a Central Intelligence Group was established under the direction of leaders in the Stimson-Marshall War Department cabal. James Forrestal, Robert B. Patterson (Stimson's former Asst. Secretary and now Secretary of War), and Admiral Leahy appointed leading men from military intelligence including Rear Admiral Sidney W. Souers, Air Force General Hoyt S. Vandenberg, and Rear Admiral Roscoe H. Hillenkoeter to head the new Central Intelligence Group, the immediate precursor of the CIA. After a vicious fight with a suspicious Truman, a recalcitrant Congress, and a hostile FBI allied with the top military brass, the patrician financiers led by Dean Acheson and Nelson Rockefeller got the CIA off the ground when the National Security Act was finally passed in 1947.
The early CIA served the same function as Mountbatten's Combined Operations Authority. Special warfare units were established by the CIA in the Air Force (ARC Wings) and the Navy (SEALS), while the Army Special Forces at Fort Bragg were captured and expanded. Meanwhile, the CIA penetrated the Military Assistance Program (MAP) and began to train special warfare elite military units in scores of countries around the world.
The early CIA was something of a compromise with the traditionalist forces. With Roosevelt gone and Truman in the White House, the cabal was forced to subversively maneuver to get the kind of CIA they were really after. On January 1, 1949 Mathias Correa, a former OSS man and a special assistant to Forrestal; William H. Jackson, a wartime intelligence officer and New York investment banker; and Allen Dulles submitted a secret report to Truman which he summarily rejected and dismissed as the plan for the creation of a "National Gestapo." Prouty, a former Air Force Lt. Colonel and liaison officer to the CIA, describes the report in the following terms:
The Dulles-Jackson-Correa report was the CIA Mein Kampf. In this study, Dulles described exactly how he would lead the Agency from a low-key intelligence coordination center to a major power center in the U.S. Government, and in the process, how he would become
the closest adviser to the President. He foretold the existence of a vast secret intelligence organization, a top echelon clandestine operations facility at White House level, a hidden infrastructure throughout other departments and agencies of the Government, and the greatest clandestine operational capability the world had ever known, primarily based upon the exploitation of military manpower, money, and facilities all over the world. 
The Dulles Takeover Period 1953-1961
The victory by the new SS over MacArthur, McCarthy and other Babbitt-like right forces in the early 1950's gave a big boost to the conspirators. It opened up some real room for maneuver. With Dulles' ascension to the head of the CIA in 1953, the CIA "Mein Kampf," the Jackson-Dulles-Correa report, became a working document. Governments began to be overthrown with some regularity (e.g. Iran 1953, Guatemala 1954) and the CIA made the generation of counterinsurgency insurgencies the order of the day. Covert counterinsurgency operations began in Vietnam in 1954. From Vienna in 1956, Dr. John Rawlings Rees, under the cover of his World Federation for Mental Health, and Frank Wisner, the CIA Deputy Director, Plans (DDP, or chief of Special Operations), coordinated the counterinsurgency insurgency popularly known as the "Hungarian Revolution."
In 1954, Nelson Rockefeller moved into the newly created post, the Special Assistant to the President for Foreign Affairs. This position, now known as Special
Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, is in reality the Anglo-American SS chief liaison to the CIA. Since Rockefeller, Maxwell Taylor, McGeorge Bundy, and Henry Kissinger have occupied this position.
Also, in 1954, Rockefeller together with Dr. Milton Eisenhower founded the important Anglo-American SS domestic counterinsurgency front the Department of Health, Education and Welfare (HEW). This body, for which Rockefeller in 1954 briefly served as Under-Secretary, was the first domestic coordinating apparatus for the Anglo-American SS brainwashing and "local control" operations.
The Dulles CIA also began to train fascist elite special police units in 1954 in over 40 countries under the cover of the Office of Public Safety (OPS) of the Agency for International Development (AID).
In this period the CIA established a world-wide special warfare police training network under OPS auspices and soon created such notorious fascist counterinsurgency organizations as the South Vietnamese Special Police and the Brazilian Death Squads. The Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, officially set up in the U.S. in 1968, is modeled after these CIA foreign examples.
With 1960 came the CIA-created U-2 incident and preparations for the Bay of Pigs invasion. The Anglo-American SS counter-government had completely taken off.
The Play For Keeps and Bring It All Back Home Period 1961 -
President Kennedy was initially sympathetic to the Anglo-American SS and its tendency. As a ruling class
scion he was himself on the fringes of the cabal, though the new SS hatred for the "treachery" of his "renegade" father kept him from the inner circles. Kennedy initially pushed many new SS schemes like Green Beret Special Forces "Waffen SS," and the Mobilization for Youth domestic counterinsurgency program.
After the CIA Bay of Pigs fiasco, Kennedy began to fight the CIA increasingly. He booted Dulles, Bissell, and other Anglo-American SS leading men at the CIA. He halted new SS plans for another Cuban invasion in 1963. He tried desperately to pull in the reins on the CIA's Vietnam escalation plans. The evidence is overwhelming that he paid for these efforts with his life.
Within days after Kennedy's assassination, Maxwell Taylor, McGeorge Bundy, Robert McNamara and other leaders of the cabal greatly stepped up U.S. involvement in Vietnam.
As the war in Indochina escalated, the Anglo-American SS moved to create their domestic National Gestapo police arm. In 1964 they established the Community Relations Service of the Justice Department which began community self-policing projects. Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach and his assistant Ramsey Clark set up the President's Commission on Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice in July, 1965 which laid the groundwork for the LEAA National Gestapo. The Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act in 1965 made provisions for the LEAA which had, in fact, been in new SS preparation since 1964.
McGeorge Bundy left his government post for the Ford Foundation (FF) in 1966 to direct the upgrading of the Anglo-American SS domestic fascist infrastructure. The Rockefeller-controlled FF helped direct the further penetration and subversion of the trade union movement using Walter Reuther's United Auto Workers (UAW) as
a base of operations. Soon leading trade unions were giving all-out support for CIA community control and self-policing projects, brainwashing "mental health" schemes, syndicalist no-participation speed-up plots, and so forth. (see Freeman)
Since 1970 in the U .S. there has been a rapid fire succession of major Anglo-American SS operations designed to destroy constitutional government, soften the population for fascism, and finalize preparations for the new SS collateral state apparatus. In 1970 the CIA launched the "Domestic Security Plan" which established the "plumbers" operations usually attributed to Nixon and his gaggle. 1971 saw the CIA's Pentagon Papers hoax. This was followed by an all-out assault on the Presidency in 1972, beginning with the CIA set-up of Nixon in the Watergate affair, and the push toward impeachment that followed. At the same time new SS forces began an intensified campaign to dismantle the big city political machines and break the power of regular police departments and the FBI. This paved the way for their LEAA "SSD." 1973 brought the Great Oil Hoax and 1974 scores of new "special operations." 1974 is the year of decision.
There are no admission tickets to history: You cannot get out of your skin. The ball is once again, as in the early 1930's, delicately balanced on top of a pyramid. Which way it rolls, toward the realization of mankind's creative potentialities, or toward the complete destruction of the human race, will in large part be determined by which way you, and others like you, push it. There is not much time left for your decision to commit yourself to the creative potentialities of the human race.
As Leon Trotsky once succinctly put it: "History is moving very fast. Woe! to those who lag behind."
Notes & References
Rev A - corrected approximately 120 small transcription errors.
Rev B - Corrected numerous insignificant errors and the following more significant ones:
a) removed spurious "five" from "alternative five bourgeois leadership"
b) changed nonsense phrase (apparent typo in original) "muddle an opportunities road" to "muddle [through]"
c) inserted "--" in "these men were all fascinated and awed by the Nazis -- one can just see the impression"
d) "transition to the 1984-style fascism" was "transition to the lifestyle fascism"
e) "don't join the 69th" was "don't join the both"
f) changed "Kenna" to "Kennan"
g) "When the cabal officially launched the Cold War, the Soviets had time to reflect on what was going on" was "When the cabal officially launched the Cold War and the Soviets had time to reflect on what was going on." The previous version is contained in the original, but it obviously makes no sense. I just modified it as little as possible so that it make sense within itself and within the paragraph. There were also a couple of other strange errors in the same paragraph in the original.
h) in "Stimson was urging and preparing direct American military administration of food control," "food" was "for"
i) "especially during the 1960's" was "especially during the 1954"
j) Inserted "--" in "Alert OSS and SOE officers perceived almost immediately what had, in fact, been true for some time -- the fascist movement, institutions, and leadership had lost their radicalism."
k) Removed bracketed passage from "Mussolini sought to overcome popular discontent by resurrecting the factory syndicalist organizations and radical community institutions and movements that would once again generate motion and enthusiasm in behalf of his Fascist Party and [the cents that would once again generate motion and enthusiasm in behalf of his Fascist Party and] the Corporative State." The error was carried over from the original, except that "cents" was orignially "ments."
l) Inserted "by" into "Badoglio, particularly impressed by the OSS argument"
m) "Allied Control Commission, then under British domination," was "Allied Control Commission, then under British dominations"
n) "Reactionary CLN leaders like Croce [and] American puppet Carlo Sforza" was "Reactionary CLN leaders like Croce, American puppet Carlo Sforza"
20th Century United States History and the American Patrician-Financiers
Halberstam, David, The Best and the Brightest, New York, 1972.
Harris, Richard, Justice, New York, 1970.
Hilsman, Roger, To Move a Nation, New York, 1968.
Hoffman, William, David - Report on a Rockefeller, New York, 1971.
Horowitz, David, The Free World Colossus, New York, 1965.
Josephson, Mathew, The Money Lords, New York, 1972.
Kolko, Gabriel, The Triumph of Conservativism, Chicago, 1963.
Morris, Joe Alex, Nelson Rockefeller, New York, 1960.
Williams, William A., The Contours of American History, Chicago, 1966.
World War II, SOE, OSS
Psychological and Special Warfare
Ahrenfeldt, Robert H., Psychiatry in the British Army in the Second World War, Columbia University, 1958.
Alsop, Stewart and Braden, Thomas Sub Rosa, New York, 1946.
Churchill, Winston S., The Second World War (Six Volumes), Boston, 1948-1954.
Cookridge, E.H., Set Europe Ablaze, New York, 1967.
Dalton, Hugh, The Fateful Years London, 1957.
Dougherty, William E. and Janowitz, Morris J., A Psychological Warfare Casebook, John Hopkins, 1958.
Deacon, Richard, A History of the British Secret Service, New York, 1970.
Dicks, Henry V., "Some Notes on the Russian National Character," in Cyril E. Black (ed.), The Transformation of Russian Society, Harvard, 1960.
Dulles, Allen, The Secret Surrender, New York. 1966.
Foot, M.R.D., S.O.E. in France, London, 1966.
Ford, Corey, Donovan of OSS, Boston, 1970.
Forrestal, James, The Forrestal Diaries, New York, 1951.
Glick, Edward B., Peaceful Conflict, Harrisburg, 1967.
Halperin, Morton H., Contemporary Military Strategy, Boston, 1967.
Hyde, H. Montgomery, Room 3603, New York, 1963.
Kissinger, Henry A., (editor), Problems of National Strategy, New York, 1965.
Klare Michael, War Without End, New York, 1972.
Kolko, Gabriel, The Politics of War, New York, 1968.
Lerner, Daniel, Sykewar, New York, 1949.
Loory, Stuart, Defeated - Inside America's Military Machine, New York, 1973.
OSS Assessment Staff, Assessment of Men, New York, 1948.
National Caucus of Labor Committees, The Popular Front - Why Moscow Fears This Pamphlet, New York. 1973.
Phillips, C.E. Lucas, The Greatest Raid of All, Boston, 1960.
Rees, John Rawlings, The Shaping of Psychiatry by War, London, 1945.
Rees, John Rawlings, (ed.). The Case of Rudolf Hess, London, 1947.
Rees, John Rawlings, Reflections, New York, 1967.
Ropp, Theodore, War in the Modern World, New York, 1962.
Smith, R. Harris, OSS, New York, 1972.
Stimson, Henry L. and Bundy, McGeorge, On Active Service in War and Peace, New York. 1948.
Taylor, Maxwell, The Uncertain Trumpet, New York, 1960.
United States Strategic Bombing Survey, Effects of Strategic
Bombing on German Morale, Vol. I, Washington, 1947.
Background on the CIA-British Intelligence
Alsop, Stewart, The Center, New York, 1968.
De Gramont, Sanche, The Secret War, New York, 1962.
Hirsch, Seymour, Cover-Up, New York, 1972.
Kirkpatrick, Lyman B., The Real CIA, New York, 1968.
Prouty, L. Fletcher, The Secret Team, New York, 1974.
Strong, Sir Kenneth, Intelligence at the Top, London, 1968.
Wise, David and Ross, Thomas B., The Invisible Government, New York, 1974.
Background on Italian and German Fascism
Bleuel, Hans Peter, Sex and Society in Nazi Germany, Philadelphia, 1973.
Brady, Robert A., The Spirit and Structure of German Fascism, New York, 1971.
Fest, Joachim C., The Fate of the Third Reich, New York, 1970.
Guerin, Daniel, Fascism and Big Business, New York, 1973.
Trotsky, Leon, The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany, (translation) New York, 1971.
Luxemburg, Rosa, The Accumulation of Capital, (translation) New York, 1968.
Marcus, Lyn, "Beyond Psychoanalysis," The Campaigner, September/October 1973.
Trotsky, Leon, Whither France?, (translation) New York, 1968.
Highlighted Quotes in Text
1. Fest, Joachim C., The Face of the Third Reich, pp. 170, 175, 176.
2. Cookridge, E.H., Set Europe Ablaze, p. 1. A detailed account of the history of the British Special Operations Executive (SOE).
3. Hyde, H. Montgomery, Room 3603, pp. 19-20. Hyde cites W.N. Medlicott The Economic Blockade (1952), I, 1. to support his view. Hyde was himself a top "special operations" agent during the war serving under Sir William Stephenson with the British Security Coordination (BSC).
4. Dalton, Hugh, The Fateful Years, p. 368.
5. Grossman, Richard H.S., "Supplemental Essay," in Daniel Lerner's Sykewar p. 324.
6. Marcus, Lyn, New Solidarity, April 10, 1974, p. 12.
7. Ford, Corey, Donovan of OSS, [page not specified in PDF version]. This book, written in a deceptively lighthearted style, inadvertently provides a goldmine of useful information.
8. Ibid., p. 55.
9. Ibid., p. 70.
10. Ibid., p. 19.
11. Ibid., p. 37, 38.
12. Ibid., p. 39.
13. Ibid., p. 27.
14. From a speech by Ambassador David Bruce to the annual dinner meeting of the veterans of OSS, Washington D.C., May 26, 1971. Quoted in Smith, R. Harris, OSS (The Secret History of America 's First Central Intelligence Agency), p 184-185. This insidious book, written by "former" CIA agent Smith, "implores" the CIA to "recapture" the "glory" and "spirit" of OSU, its predecessor. It is therefore extremely revealing to an acute reader and contains quite useful information if the reader is not suckered by the cover line.
15. Quote - in Morris, Joe Alex, Nelson Rockefeller, p. 212.
16. Ford, loc. cit., p. 125.
17. OSS Assessment Staff, Assessment of Men, p. 3.
18. Bundy, McGeorge, in The Dimensions of Diplomacy.
edited by E.A .J. Johnson. Cited in Ford's Donovan of OSS.
19. Ford, loc. cit., p. 149.
20. United States Strategic Bombing Survey, Effects of Strategic Bombing on German Morale, Vol. 1. Washington, 1947.
26. Churchill Winston, Closing the Ring, Volume V. The Second World War.
27. U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States (Washington, 1861- ) Conference at Teheran, pp. 417- 18. Cited by Kolko, Gabriel, The Politics of War, p. 57. Kolko, a sophisticated bourgeois revisionist historian, goes to elaborate lengths in this book to conceal his Anglo-American masters' World War II conspiracy against the Soviet Union and the working class. His convoluted attempts to cover for the Stimson-Churchill cabal and its real policy is itself extremely revealing. Kolko assembles much of the factual material necessary to make out the case for the existence of a World War II cabal but proceeds to build cobwebs of "misunderstandings," "mistakes," "suspicions," etc., to suck the reader into the framework of an "Anglo-American-Soviet alliance beset by problems." Not surprisingly, Kolko has recently joined the chorus of Rockefeller-CIA "intellectuals" who are attacking the Labor Committees.
28. Foreign Relations of the United States, (1944), IV, p. 816. Cited in Kolko, loc. cit., p. 51.
29. Prouty, L. Fletcher, The Secret Team, p. 235. Prouty is a military traditionalist stunned and confused by the practices of the CIA - probably the first of his kind to present an even half-way decent empiricist exposé of the CIA.
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