The Real CIA - The Rockefellers' Fascist Establishment
by L. Marcus (Lyndon LaRouche)
from the April
1974 issue of The Campaigner (8.5 MB PDF image
page numbers of PDF version included to facilitate checking
rev A - see Notes & References
Beginning with a rash of early-January "red scares," each staged and "discovered" by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) , the Rockefeller-dominated faction of international finance  and political machines  rapidly committed its forces to the establishment of fascist regimes in North America and Western Europe by no later than early 1975. This present issue of The Campaigner is devoted to presenting the reader with an essential background briefing on both the conspiracy and the far-flung interlocking financial, political, professional and military "establishment" variously participating in the leadership and support of the Rockefeller family's fascist plot.
There should be some preliminary identification of our special competence in offering such an exposure. Following remarks to that effect, we shall review the principal questions to be examined in this present article, and thereafter proceed to each of those points in turn.
LABOR COMMITTEE INTELLIGENCE
Following the traumatic vindication of our unique economic analyses and predictions by the mid-August 1971 collapse of the Bretton Woods monetary system  several major organizational advances were immediately initiated in anticipation of the Labor Committees' inevitable rapid growth and rise to hegemony on the U.S. Left.  One of the several notable such resolutions was the immediate formation of an intelligence department.
In the first stages, the new department was deliberately designed to parallel the organization and functioning of the research staff of a major national newsweekly. This corresponded to its initial role as "vendor" to and virtually appendage of the New Solidarity editorial staff. Approximately in November-December 1972, the basis for a second major intelligence activity emerged out of the need for massive counter-intelligence concerning the imminent liquidation of the old National Welfare Rights Organization by counterinsurgency agents working out of (principally) the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Similar counter-intelligence needs emerged from our work in opposing the crushing of the AFL-CIO under Phase Two and Phase Three.
Following the August 1, 1973 breakthrough in deprogramming brainwash victim Konstantin George, the work was amplified in two ultimately interconnected ways. We immediately undertook a substantial investigation of Soviet and "Western" modes of brainwashing and, parallel to this, studies of CIA-NATO and KGB operations generally.
Hence, the events of Dec. 31, 1973 found us with over two years' accumulated preparatory work and experience in intelligence work generally, and the potential for creating a coordinated, professional-quality full-time department, exceptionally skilled in political economy, labor, counterinsurgency research and psychological warfare research.
Two additional practical features of the organization have been of extraordinary importance during the past three months. In North America itself, we have maintained a twice-daily overview of the ghetto, labor, and other key developments, through telephone links with regional centers, which in turn keep an overview of information gathered from local organizations and other localities in which significant Labor Committee, NUWRO  and RYM  organizing are occurring. We also have daily briefings in detail from Western Europe and a flow (although less immediate) of information from various parts of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. This provides fine-grained coverage of the world's leading publications in addition to information from a considerable number of primary sources.
As a result, as most readers of New Solidarity may have noted, our coverage of the most important breaking news developments in Europe, North America, and the Middle East has been consistently better informed and far more accurate than that usually received by most elected government officials or available from leading press sources. It is principally our intelligence department which has made New Solidarity the most authoritative news source on key developments in North
America. Admittedly, some of this favorable distinction of New Solidarity over such papers as the New York Times or Washington Post is the result of those competitors' frequent falsification of accounts, or their habit of reporting a CIA-engineered leak without even rudimentary checking for facts.  Certainly, most of the information on which the reports in this issue are based was readily available to any team of reporters who had made the effort to pull facts together. Whatever such conditional observations might be warranted, the fact of the quality of our intelligence output remains.
The critical, dynamic feature which gives our intelligence work its superior quality is that principle emphasized in this writer's earlier Campaigner coverage of the Rockefeller plot.  The application of geometry, heuristically, to the question of "what is real" indicates the essential principle upon which interpretation of any isolated sequence of events must be properly premised. Any significant sequence of events implies the kind of universe in which such a sequence could occur. It is the ability to determine the "geometry" of an evolving universe of developments as a whole which uniquely  enables the investigator of a particular chain of occurrences to judge which of the apparent facts are real and which represent illusion.
The world in which events presently occur is predominantly a capitalist world flanked by the continuing existence of the Soviet bloc, Peoples' Republic of China, North Korea, North Vietnam, and Cuba. It is not a capitalist world in merely the broad, general significance of those terms. It is a particular phase of capitalist development, and presently involves a very specific form of conjunctural transition from a collapsing post-war phase of its metagenetical evolution. The dominant and secondary capitalist interests of this conjunctures phase are rather precisely, narrowly defined, to the extent that at the top the dominant section of the capitalist class is identified by a handful of controlling personalities.
The way in which the capitalist world-economy can evolve, as an economy, is more or less exactly delimited, to the effect that a narrow range of alternative sequelae, as consequences and alternatives presented, can be exactly predicted as the outcome of any attempted shift in policy or practice by any significant force of self-interest. 
Consequently, the ability to judge the course of events from day to day depends fundamentally upon competence in economic analysis, a quality of unique competence which has been shown by the Labor Committee tendency during more than a decade of recent studies in political economy.
Economics by itself would not suffice. Although it is
indispensable to abstract from economic processes to determine what is essential, actual economic forces are not mere abstractions. (The assumption that the universe is governed by fixed, merely abstract principles of lawfulness is a clinical expression of the kind of metaphysical epiphenomenalism arising from reductionism. ) The actuality of economic process is expressed in the form of specific institutions and persons. Broad economic analysis permits one to determine the necessary potential order of reality; the distinction between what is merely potential and which potentialities are actual influences is resolved, and uniquely so, by the determination of which potentialities are expressed or imminently to be expressed by concrete human beings organized in more or less clearly-defined organized forms.
The Labor Committees' intelligence department represents the activity of discovering which of the wide range of potentialities, as determined by political economic analysis, are or are becoming concrete actualities. The quality of research into various aspects of the current process is indispensable, but remains no more than the indispensable expression of that more fundamental theoretical competence upon which foundation the organization as a whole was built.
I. THE READER'S PROBLEMS WITH THE SUBJECT
Before we summarize the reader's characteristic difficulties in interpreting the facts of the conspiracy itself, we should dispense with an extremely significant but more easily resolved problem: Why do we describe the plot as one launched at the first of the present year?
On the surface, the point appears eminently arguable. The effort to discredit the U.S. presidency and congress (a classic fascist precondition for takeover) is directly traced to such preparations as Daniel Ellsberg's role in perpetrating the "Pentagon Papers" hoax, and more immediately to the Spring 1972 "plumbers" operations. On the British end of the current plot, the qualifications of the British military service and MI5 for present "low intensity" police-state operations in England, Wales and Scotland were developed by deliberate manipulations of a civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland into a protracted dress rehearsal for fascist rule throughout the United Kingdom. 
The U.S. war in Vietnam, initiated and essentially directed for most of its term by the CIA  will turn out to be more of a preparation for fascism in the U.S.A. than any objective in Southeast Asia. The Peace Corps and Office of Economic Opportunity were also
essentially preparations for creating the infrastructure for fascist organization (i.e., the Reesian fascist principle of "local community control"). The 1966 birth of the Gestapo-like force legalized later as the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA), through Rockefeller agent and leading CIA operative, McGeorge Bundy, was similarly an essential preparation of the nation for fascist police-state rule.
The organization of the "ecology movement" and "quality of life" campaigns as conditioning for John D. Rockefeller III's genocidal Zero Growth project are also fascist preparations. The spreading of the "rock-drug counterculture" and the spread of marijuana and LSD-25 in particular as "radical" causes were well-designed preparations for fascist movements (as well as an easier cover for introducing significant use of "brainwashing").
There are numerous - almost innumerable - preparations in the direction of fascism through the 1960's and beyond. Why, then, one asks, is January, 1974 so particularly significant?
More immediately, we might consider the relationship of Rockefeller rigging of the October Arab-Israeli war to the "energy shortage" hoax aspects of 1974's plot. Certainly, artificially created "oil shortages" began to be experienced during November and December, only becoming more viciously acute during the January-March 1974 period. The immediate function of the staged Arab-Israeli War was to provide a cover for the formal endorsement of major price-rise agreements negotiated prior to the outbreak of that war. This had the accompanying effect of increasing the revenues of the Rockefeller-dominated "Seven Sisters" (the major oil cartels) at the expense of especially Western Europe, Japan, Australia and New Zealand, while also squeezing harder on the industrialization of the "developing countries." The point is: the oil hoax did not have to be extended into the form it assumed after the first of the year.
December 31 - January 1 essentially represented an implementation of the previously developed capabilities and preparatory deployments in the form of a direct attack on the democratic institutions of North America, Western Europe and Japan. Of special significance in this was the increasing difficulty the Rockefeller faction would experience in attempting to call off this fascist plot in motion without exposing itself to massive reprisals.
The CIA scare in the united Kingdom is exemplary. Unless genuine terror were applied to the non-Tavistock-linked sections of the Labour Party , the effrontery of Cord Meyer et al. provided more than ample provocation for a Labour-provoked British "nationalist" hullabaloo, a tumult which would not have subsided without first getting to the identity of the forces responsible for this
insult. Once the CIA scare was unleashed, the next step had to be taken by the Rockefeller forces, lest the first step backfire.
The distinction between developments prior to Dec. 31, 1973 and the process unleashed in steps beginning that date is essentially that which would be made between, on the one hand, deployments in anticipation of a possible war, and, on the other hand, the subsequent tactical moves which committed deployed forces in skirmishes leading directly into an active state of warfare.
The conceptual difficulty which some might experience in grasping such a distinction would generally take the hysterical form of considering only isolated details one by one, evading the distinctions which emerge once all the data in the respective fields are assimilated in the forms of Gestalts.
Otherwise, we have the following more substantial objections and other difficulties to treat, each requiring significantly more elaboration than sufficed for the minor problem whose form we have just reviewed.
The most rudimentary of these more significant concerns is the typically encountered resistance of individuals to facing the obvious facts of the matter. Fear is the principal obstacle to recognizing an overt, massive CIA-centered plot against all existing governments and populations of North America and Western Europe. That properly emphasized, it is fear that prompts certain formal arguments of skepticism. Although those arguments are merely rationalizations, they do warrant consideration here - if only to expose the fear which must be aced and overcome head-on.
There is more complexity in analysis of a second main difficulty.
The wishful skeptic who recognizes our abundant command of evidence to support the judgement of conspiracy, characteristically resorts to the ruse of insisting that "This represents a conspiratorial view of history." Since the facts do add up to proof of conspiracy, the hysteric's most effective quibble against the evidence is to discredit it on the very grounds that it proves conspiracy. Since the implied consoling argument proceeds, "Conspiratorial theories of history are unsound," in his opinion, it must follow on that premise that all facts proving the existence of a conspiracy are intrinsically false.
Acknowledging the psychoneurotic basis for such an objection, it is useful and appropriate to settle the issue of whether we are arguing for the sort of "conspiratorial theory of history" which the wishful skeptic alleges to be the case.
The most frightening - and therefore most strongly resisted aspect of the report is the methodological basis
for Rockefeller's Reesian fascist plot in an associated theory and practice of interconnected "social control" and "brainwashing" technology. Since the system of social control and brainwashing developed by that gifted reactionary psychopath, Brigadier Dr. John Rawlings Rees of the Tavistock Institute and World Federation of Mental Health, premises its fascist scheme on pathological features of the victims' existing belief system, it follows that the individual will refuse to assimilate the evidence on this point unless he is also prepared to deal with those profound neurotic disorders which render him so vulnerable to Reesian forms of fascist manipulation.
Even after those objections have been confronted, the wishful skeptic will turn up ever new arguments for remaining just that until he has been shown that an alternative exists. This represents the most important if implicit objection, with whose treatment we shall conclude this present article.
II. What is the Central Intelligence Agency?
According to Federal statute and other myths concocted for the edifying deception of the credulous, the CIA is merely a key constituent of the US "intelligence community," a mere appendage of the National Security Council, vying with various intelligence services, the Defense Department, the Treasury, the FBI, et al. In the view of wishful and other credulous persons, the CIA may occasionally perform "Mission Impossible" types of activities in dealing with Soviet spies or in enterprising pursuit of the latest Soviet missile development's details ... nothing more than this. Only children and otherwise uninformed or hysterical persons believe such fables.
All the published accounts of the CIA written by various experts, including former "insiders" of the "intelligence community," may be challenged as partially faulty by virtue of particular misrepresentations or bias. Yet, sifting out such flaws, too much truth about the CIA has been exposed, and too much of that truth abundantly confirmed in other ways, to entertain a reasonable denial of the fact that the CIA as it appears in the Federal Budget is merely the legal cover for vast encroachments on every branch of government and enormous sectors of private institutions. 
In general, James Schlesinger's takeover of the Defense Department merely consolidates long-time and rapidly growing takeover of all military branches to the point of becoming virtually mere appendages of the CIA. The Department of Health, Education and Welfare is
one of the principal bastions of CIA operations within the US itself, nearing the completion of a process begun with the establishment of the Office of Economic Opportunity under President John F. Kennedy. The Justice Department may have an independent Attorney General, but the FBI under new chief Clarence Kelley has been taken over by the CIA at the top, and the more recently established Law Enforcement Assistance Administration (LEAA) is nothing but the principal domestic "covert operations" arm of the CIA. Rockefeller's CIA operative Henry Kissinger heads up a State Department undergoing "reorganization" along lines agreeable to Langley.
Most major universities are either entirely or substantially branches of the CIA. At the University of Michigan, we have the most notorious example of the Institute for Social Research (ISR), which is merely the focus for general CIA infiltration and control of many departments of the university at large. Harvard's "Russian" institute is obviously CIA, like Columbia's, but also Harvard's so-called psychology department is a nest of such overt CIA operatives as the pigeon-brained B.F. Skinner and Reesian Richard Herrnstein, while the Harvard Sociology Department's counter-insurgency work merely updates overt fascist traditions dating back to the 1920's. 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology continues its flourishing CIA activities as extension of its earlier role as a base of OSS activities. In addition to its specializations as an anti-Soviet "think tank," it possesses an assortment of the most reactionary, CIA-linked social sciences services in the nation. Its RLE division has been a nesting place for specialized counterinsurgency studies since the late 1940's, while also including those studies in so-called "Artificial Intelligence" which are nothing but the development of the use of computers for brainwashing.
The University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School houses Eric Trist, a veteran Rockefeller-sponsored Reesian fascist, who directs a vast network of fascist social work projects (and actual brainwashing activities) from his offices at that location.  Cornell, Berkeley, Stanford are notorious CIA conduits.
In general, most of the social sciences and related departments of major universities today are nothing but CIA branch operations.
Given the time that has been used to effect such a result, the outcome is hardly to be considered astonishing. Through control of governmental and major foundations, as well as corporate and wealthy-individual funding, it has been no great matter to control not only what programs are funded, but to control the selection of instructors who move into controlling positions as the
older generation of honest academics are weeded out by retirement (or, themselves corrupted into becoming CIA establishment operatives or agents).
The CIA control of private foundations is ABC. The first major foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, was established by the family following the bloody Ludlow Massacre of 1914. It was the Rockefeller family which pressured ironpants Henry Ford into creating the Ford Foundation, and the Rockefeller family which placed its agent, CIA operative McGeorge Bundy (of the CIA Bundy family), at the head of that institution.
As for governmental funding, brainwashing is funded in part through the National Institute of Health or its subsidiary, the National Institute of Mental Health. The National Science Foundation, another conduit controlled by representatives of the Rockefeller-CIA establishment, helps out. Recently, the LEAA has been acting as a CIA funding conduit on its own account. As the Defense Department is taken over increasingly by the CIA, its funding programs are slanted to the desired general effect. Through the "leverage" principle of contributory (pro rata) funding which has become rampant in Federal, state and local programs, the mass of funding controlled directly by the Rockefeller-CIA establishment, whether through the foundations or CIA-controlled channels of government, increasingly determines the direction of flow of funding from even non-CIA controlled sources.
A few examples are sufficient to identify some general dimensions of CIA takeover throughout the society generally. 
The war in Vietnam - Outdoing private CIA war against the nation of Indonesia, the US war in Vietnam began as entirely (1955-64) a CIA war against the Vietnamese people, with the US ambassador on premises nothing but a highly-placed CIA operative. Actual US military units were not introduced into Vietnam until 1964, and even after that, pseudo-Defense Department personnel (CIA operatives wearing the "cover" of military rank - e.g. "General" Ed Lansdale) must be credited with directing most of the operations in that theatre.
For example, the notorious My Lai war crime massacre was merely a tiny corner of the CIA's ongoing "Operation Phoenix," whose function was to identify and exterminate the men, women and children of the so-called "Viet Cong infrastructure." Unable to win over the South Vietnamese population by other assorted counterinsurgency tactics (e.g. the "Village Hamlet" program), the CIA opted for simply butchering those families discovered to be political sympathizers of the National Liberation Front. The "Pinkville" butchery was merely one of many similar SS-type operations.
Equally instructive, the so-called investigation of the "My Lai incident" was conducted by a CIA operative, who produced the basis for the "official military" report which whitewashed all of those actually responsible for ordering the atrocity.
The Pentagon Papers Hoax - As of this date, no secret really has been made of the general way in which the so-called "Pentagon Papers" were "compiled." Firstly, the papers were not compiled by or for the "Pentagon," but on behalf of the CIA, with complicity of such CIA adjuncts as the RAND Corporation, with the selection and supplementary concoction of included documents performed by such CIA operatives as author Daniel Ellsberg.
The essential thrust of the project was the assembly of selected actual documents (many initially created by the CIA or based on CIA briefings) and supplementary materials whose overall intended effect was to exonerate the CIA from responsibility for a wide variety of unpopular military and related developments which the CIA itself had chiefly authored. In essence, the effect of the "Pentagon Papers" was - for anyone credulous enough to believe them - to whitewash the CIA for its own activities!
Can it be believed that such an effort was undertaken with the intended purpose of concealing the false report under a "top secret" seal? The entire concoction is in the fine old tradition of the Czarist Okhrana's notorious anti-Semitic pioneering venture into modern "Black" psychological warfare, the Czarist-authored "Protocols of Zion." Such "secret" documents are written for the purpose of affording them the widest possible public attention. The "top secret" classification is the fine hand of the public relations specialist, who thereby assures himself that his handiwork will receive the widest circulation and simultaneously evoke the maximum awe from among the credulous.
How are such hoaxes put across? Would the CIA arrange for its publication in a way which would be directly attributed to its sponsorship? Scarcely! A devious confidence man's procedure was indicated. Through Ellsberg's performance, the desired effect was secured. An outright fraud was hallowed for a gullible public by representing the concoction as "a most secret document, filched from the most intimate files of the most all-powerful agencies at unspeakable risk by an astonishingly courageous, conscience-stricken" ... CIA operative!
The manner in which the desired leak was effected is only less "hairy" then the papers themselves.
To explain how and why a right-wing CIA operative, Ellsberg, an associate of General Ed Lansdale, could be converted, the public has been told that the convenient
"Damascus Road" transformation was accomplished under the influence of Professor Noam Chomsky of MIT, an individual with a credible standing as a leading anti-war activist. Chomsky's role as the official dupe in the affair grows murky when we note Chomsky's endorsement of the hoax after its publication. As a leading anti-war activist, Chomsky had abundant access to all the knowledge necessary to spot the whitewashing of the CIA as a blatant fraud.
The publication effected through the usual CIA press conduits, the New York Times et al., a Rockefeller CIA operative, Henry Kissinger, allegedly ordered the CIA unit from the White House basement to investigate Ellsberg ... beginning to set up an even bigger CIA hoax.
The Watergate Hoax - On a dark and probably foggy night of mid-1972, a scuttling gaggle of CIA operatives crept into Washington's Watergate Hotel, accompanied by half a platoon of well-known CIA gusanos, to plant "bugging devices" in a Democratic headquarters located on the premises. Mysteriously, this small invasion force was detected - with the aid of a tip-off! Lo and Behold! The U-hire spooks were taken with their pay-off money on their persons!
Curiously, for over a year and a half, no one troubled to seriously investigate the CIA's involvement in this affair. CIA officials were politely asked if they had been involved. Conforming to their statutory obligation to deny everything under all circumstances, the CIA representatives insisted that they were not in any way involved. Their perfunctory denial was therewith promptly treated as gospel.
Once the 1972 election campaign had ended, a pair of Washington Post reporters produced "strong evidence" - through a CIA leak - leading not to CIA infiltration of the White House, but to the Presidency and the Presidency alone.
Undoubtedly, President Nixon has some significant responsibility for the activities of the CIA. However, no President since Harry Truman's term of office has exerted significant restraints on the Agency. President Eisenhower checked the CIA significantly less than Truman had. President Kennedy initially almost turned the government over to the CIA ("Bay of Pigs," Peace Corps, Office of Economic Opportunity, the role of the Bundy brothers, etc.), and was assassinated shortly after he began placing preliminary checks in the way of certain limited aspects of further CIA encroachments. President Johnson placed no checks upon the CIA, and President Nixon, although breathing down their necks at one point, allowed the Office of the Presidency to be held captive to the CIA through Rockefeller-linked appointments and CIA intrusions made possible through
mediation of Rockefeller appointees.
By excluding almost axiomatically any effort to seriously probe the massive evidence leading directly to the CIA, the list of suspects for investigation was arbitrarily narrowed to the Office of the Presidency itself. Such an artificial restriction on investigations, an hysterical fallacy of composition of all evidence and argument, meant that the more "dirt," the more mystery, the more "cover-up" was turned up, the more conclusive seemed the evidence against the only agency permitted to be considered as a suspect.
This point is emphasized at the hysteria erupting from notorious CIA conduits, such as Jack Anderson, at the mere threat (e.g., Senator Baker's low-keyed inquiry) of investigating some of the more glaring points of hitherto neglected evidence. The gigantic cover-up in the Watergate investigations, a cover-up assisted by much of the leading press, is the frantic suppression of all investigations leading toward the CIA.
The investigations afoot are therefore themselves extremely suspect. Behind the current prosecutions is a Special Prosecutor, Leon Jaworski, who has a long history of association with CIA front organizations and with the CIA's pet domestic project, the efforts to replace lawful state and local police and prosecution agencies with the Gestapo-like LEAA. Obviously, an attorney is not necessarily prejudiced by his clients, but Jaworski's evasion of the lush CIA aspect of the case does justify suspicion of prejudice.
The case against the attorney for the House Judiciary Committee processing the impeachment hearings, John Doar, is much stronger. Doar was an activist supporter of CIA operative McGeorge Bundy's New York City "community control" counterinsurgency operations, and continues as an official of a Brooklyn organization known as the "East," which is directly implicated in various kinds of criminal activities in collaboration with the CIA units (LEAA) planted in the Police Department of the City of New York. Doar prosecuting President Nixon is a case of the kettle calling the tumbler black. Not surprisingly, Doar also omits serious consideration of a CIA frame-up of the President.
HEW Takeover - The CIA's infiltration of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare is, next to the bestial, fascist LEAA itself, the most hideous aspect of the Agency's U.S. domestic crimes.
HEW was inevitably a special prime target for John Rawlings Rees and his followers. Apart from the military-police apparatus features of the CIA plot, the essential distinguishing features of the Anglo-American Political Intelligence operations teams is the calculated use of coordinated sociological and psychiatric techniques of insurgency, counterinsurgency and social
control generally. The armed features of Reesian fascism are essentially like that; the essence of the Reesian system, its fascist quality, is concentrated in its social and psychological operations.
Rees himself was repeatedly specific and emphatic on the point involved. The fascist society of the future, he envisaged, must be made possible through local "community health services," including mass-application of psychiatric treatments to populations through these centers, whether or not those victims required or desired such services. Aided by diverse fascist agents brought under his wing during OSS days, such as Gordon Allport, Kurt Lewin, Kenneth Clark, and their collaborators, and, using both the London Tavistock Institute and World Federation of Mental Health as his personal bases of operations. Rees moved in on U.S., Canadian, and British governmental social services.
In Great Britain, this was accomplished chiefly with the aid of British intelligence officers associated with Brigadier Rees and General Strong, such as Richard Crossman (Labour) and Powell (Tory), with direct, open control of those services established under Powell's regime in the Tory MacMillan government of the early 1960's. During this same period, under first President Kennedy and then President Johnson, enterprises such as the Peace Corps and Office of Economic Opportunity were merely the most publicized CIA fronts.
More vicious are the National Institute of Health and National Institute of Mental Health, which are nothing but openly criminal organizations, openly sponsoring Nuremberg crimes against humanity in defiance of the U.S. Constitution and international law alike. 
Even the Left
Contrary to the most naive image of the CIA, which obviously confuses the organization with the FBI, the CIA establishment is predominantly "left-liberal" (but no less passionately anti-communist) in its political complexion. A few examples here indicate the nature and extent of the CIA's infiltration and takeover of what are usually regarded as even "socialist" organizations.
"State Department Socialists" - One of the most important of the traditional recruiting grounds for CIA operatives and agents has been the Second International and its trade-union bureaucratic component. During the late 1930's, together with the Lovestoneites, the Socialist Party of America provided a significant complement of operatives and agents for "Cold War" activities both abroad and domestically. The appellation, "State Department Socialist," which they earned during that period preceding the growth of the CIA's power, has
stuck despite the prevalent transfer of loyalties to the CIA itself.
Together with the ultra-liberals of the Americans for Democratic Action stereotype (Joseph Rauh, et al.) and the dupes of intelligence agent John Gardner ("Common Cause"), these SP "Third Camp" types, trade-union bureaucrats, and a strata of liberal academics provide the overwhelming bulk of the CIA's operatives and agents outside military-type and "Mission Impossible" specialities as such.
New Left Strata - Recent Labor Committee intelligence studies have firmly identified the founding of Students for a Democratic Society as a CIA establishment project, designed as an updated "Zubatov union" or "Father Gapon movement"  for potentially radical campus strata. The origins in the "Third Camp" student affiliate of the League for Industrial Democracy are merely suggestive; the training of initiating SDS activists in CIA-linked Alinsky or Alinsky-type programs for operatives recruitment is almost conclusive. Certain features of the "programs" pushed by those trainees are so uniquely counterinsurgency designs that the other circumstantial evidence forms merely an essential part of what is aggregately a conclusive case.
To one familiar with the general history of the Zubatov unions and Gapon movement, the analogy is exceptionally appropriate. Like the czarist-police unions of the pre-1905 period, the attempt to spread the organization caused matters to get fairly well out of the hands of the counterinsurgency agents operating (chiefly) out of Alinsky's home base in Chicago. The Labor Committees' intervention to organize the Columbia University April 1968 strike, the 1969 University of Pennsylvania sit-in, and various Progressive Labor Party activities are the notable examples of some degree of successful counter-counter-insurgency which led to the CIA establishment's orders for SDS's self-destruction in Spring, 1969. (However, how one deals variously with counterinsurgency formations is not the topic immediately under consideration at this point of our writing.)
The primary purpose for creating the New Left of the early 1960's was to preempt the radicalization of college youth strata to two overlapping ends. Immediately, the purpose was to prevent the established socialist parties from effectively capturing the social ferment which had erupted beginning 1958, which had come to a focus around the Cuban Revolution and Civil Rights movement up through mid-1961. At the same time, with such enterprises as the Peace Corps, Office of Economic Opportunity and sundry foundation-sponsored "community action projects for radicals" in development
at that time to drain off student radicalism into staffing of an expanding counterinsurgency apparatus around the Reesian fascist conception of "local community control" or "community action projects"
Not accidentally, therefore, the Reesian fascist social control techniques of "leaderless group" ("participatory democracy") and "co-participation" (corporativism) were the chief points on which the New Left's designers differentiated it from the so-called Old Left. "Post-industrial society," "quality of life" rather than "material demands," "community," and "relevance" were key phrases by which one could identify the conscious pseudo-socialist fascist agents within the "movement." (Not everyone who was duped into regurgitating such idiocy, of course, but those who played the role of Alinsky-type organizers, had the "in" for funding and other material goodies, and who invariably were among the first to push each new version of the counter- insurgency policy.)
The New Left as such collapsed with the Columbia Strike of 1968, its constituents later either dispersing out of "politics," moving directly into working-class oriented socialist groups, moving into professional (regularly employed) counterinsurgency jobs, or into one of three main types of fascist to proto-fascist groupings: (1) Weatherman or Weatherman-type groupings, an outright proto-fascist, Ford Foundation-funding-created organization; (2) "Maoist" freak groups; (3) counter-culture-drug-rock cults.
The Weathermen - The break-up of the Columbia Strike organization was accomplished entirely through Ford Foundation intervention. Three successive actions by CIA operative McGeorge Bundy's organization were used to isolate the Labor Committees' hard-core leadership - in classic Kitson-type counterinsurgency ("infrastructure") mode. The first two were open counterinsurgency moves; the third was covert.
First, Dr. Kenneth Clark of the Ford Foundation-funded MARC operation moved in to split off the black student group from the strike. Clark, who trained under black-hating racist Dr. John Rawlings Rees, during the OSS period, is a Reesian psychologist, a member of (then, Rockefeller's) State Regents, and one of the U.S.'s leading counterinsurgency agents against the black militant strata. Secondly, an open funding by Ford was used to cause a significant split-off from the strike organization, forming "Students for a Restructured University." The third, covert move, was the funding of Mark Rudd et al. through a conduit created by a relative of former CIA operative Dr. Herbert Marcuse. It was out of this third, covert operation that the Weatherman group developed, remaining a CIA "countergang" down to the present day.
"Maoist" Groups - The Chinese Communists' emphasis on austerity, anti-intellectualism, and "thought purification" lends itself very well to reifying Maoist doctrine as a cover for the introduction of certain principal features of Reesian fascism in a "radical" disguise. It is not surprising that Chinese Communist leaders' psychological profiles and Chinese thought-purification and other social practices have enjoyed such disproportionate study-emphasis by such institutions as the RAND Corporation and Reesian sociologists and psychiatrists generally.
It is obvious that the mindlessness so passionately embraced by most self-styled Maoist groups provides an ideal opportunity for the police-agent infiltrator and provocateur, and the proliferation of such little groupings the ideal opportunity for creating a variety of police-created pseudo-gangs in ultra-radical disguise.
What is perhaps only less immediately apparent, outside the ranks of professionally qualified intelligence personnel, is that with a slight perversion that sort of "store-front Maoism" is an almost perfect cover for outright Reesian fascist gangs (e.g. , of the Revolutionary Union type.)
"Black Nationalism" - The former LeRoi Jones, recycled by Anglo-American Intelligence into the zombie-form of Imamu Baraka, is a classic model of CIA brainwashing and "countergangs" tactics combined into a single model operation (under the immediate supervision of "former" intelligence operative Gustav Heningsburg). In fact, Jones's conversion into Baraka was done under the personal supervision of the top CIA operative, Dr. John Rawlings Rees himself!
Most of the so-called "black nationalist" organizations formed after the (conveniently timed) assassination of Malcolm X are creations of the CIA establishment. (We shall outline, below, how the Reesians see "black nationalism" as a fascist counterinsurgency tool against black working-class militancy.)
The Real Central Intelligence Agency
Those examples of the scope of CIA establishment activities illustrates the broad sweep of the Agency's intervention into domestic life. Yet, unlike most authoritative published CIA exposés, our account points more or less directly to the principal flaw in the accounts of such experts as Wise and Ross  or Prouty.  The common, glaring fault in the better exposés is the assertion or otherwise the pervasive inference that the insidious and illegal encroachments are essentially the outgrowth of rampant ambitions within the Agency itself.
Without thereby descending into the bathos of "dictionary nominalism," it is most worthwhile to inquire "Agency" for what or whom? Wise, Ross, and Prouty border on asking the right questions insofar as they show that the CIA establishment has acquired the de facto power to act outside the legal channels and overview of duly constituted Federal Government agencies, most notably the Congress and the courts. The fact that it exerts such power covertly suffices to show that the CIA establishment has not yet become the government, but rather represents the base of a kind of dual power, an illegal, parallel government, continuing its efforts to become imminently a virtually overt power.
An "Agency" for whom, and why?
The first hypothesis suggested by such evidence is that the CIA is perhaps the instrument by which the Presidency is attempting to encroach upon the powers of courts and legislatures. A second, more credible hypothesis would be the suggestion that perhaps the "military-industrial complex," acting through the Pentagon, has created and uses the CIA as its secret arm. Both of these hypotheses are discredited through the sort of evidence which has appeared during the 1960's and more recently. The CIA organization of the "impeachment movement" against President Nixon, and a pattern of encroachments against regular military eliminate everything but the "military-industrial complex" from the array of probably suspects.
Returning our attention to the flaws in such writings as those of Wise and Ross or Prouty, we would locate the difficulty in the fact that they - in the vernacular proverbial - "miss the forest for the trees." Granting the usefulness and probably expertise of most of the details in their accounts, one would rightly conclude that their point of view is ninety degrees out of phase.
Although concrete evidence is vital to the case to be made, such evidence in itself provides only a behaviorist account of the subject under investigation. Detail enumerated by itself is mere "bad infinity," analogous to cataloguing many of the more important biochemical constituents of an organism, missing the critical point: what is the generative principle which makes the entirety a whole, what determines its whole existence as a single organism? This included fallacy of otherwise excellent expert accounts is the fallacy of reductionism.
Prouty verges on the proper line of investigation in his efforts to approximate an historical approach to analyzing the creature. In addition to reviewing the well-trodden matter of the connection between the OSS and CIA, he goes so far in the right direction as to locate the growth of the CIA from Truman through Kennedy in two respects. On the conspiratorial side, he defines the CIA as largely the creation of a conniving Allen Dulles, whose
way was eased by the role of brother John Foster Dulles at State and as a chief confidant of President Eisenhower. Functionally, he emphasizes, quite properly, that the forces which created the "Cold War" cult thus created the policy climate, the mystique absolutely essential to cloaking illegal CIA encroachments in the magical cloak of "national security." (At the same time, Prouty properly emphasizes that the CIA is effectively more a conspiracy against the USA itself than the USSR.)
The most glaring empirical flaw in Prouty's history of the CIA is his over-emphasis on the military side. He omits that unbroken thread from OSS into CIA which, not incidentally, has the most direct bearing on the role of Winston Churchill's organization of the "Cold War cult." He overlooks the essential fact that, from the inception of the OSS, the modern CIA establishment was a US financier-promoted Anglo-American insurgency-counter-insurgency project, and that the single keystone figure emerging as dominant over the entirety of the OSS-CIA development is that brilliant psychopath, Rockefeller-sponsored Brigadier Dr. John Rawlings Rees.
Once that essential clue is identified, the pre-history of the OSS-CIA is properly located. On the US side, the world-outlook leading into the modern CIA establishment emerges in its first institutionalized form in the development of the Mark Hanna Civic Federation movement, in a philosophy exemplified by Mark Hanna's famous (and warranted) praise for the old AFL leaders as "labor lieutenants of the capitalist class." After the Rockefellers' bloody Ludlow Massacre of 1914, the Rockefeller Foundation's establishment performs an increasingly prominent and influential role in continuing and advancing upon the Civic Federation notions of counterinsurgency, up to the point, today, that the Rockefeller-controlled foundations, including the Ford Foundation, express the family's imminently dictatorial hegemony among the ranks of giant finance.
The major components of insurgency-counterinsurgency technology originate with and continue to flow from the British junior partner in the Anglo-American political intelligence establishment. This is by no means accidental. Since the last decade of the eighteenth century, prompted by its defeat in the American Revolution of 1776-1783 (note counterinsurgency beginnings of Quebec and India) the British colonial services accumulated massive experience in successful methods of social control of subject populations.
Ironically, but by no means accidentally, successful British imperialist political and social colonial tactics have been premised on the nostrums advocated by the US Socialist Workers Party, playing upon the divisive
"nationalist" sentiments of the ruled and cooptation through "local community" forms of "self government."
Similarly, from the middle of the nineteenth century, beginning with its use of philistine "clean trade unionism" as a counterinsurgency tactic against the influence of the International Workingmen's Association, the British have learned how to exploit the parochialist neuroses of the population in the industrial homeland to much the same desired result as appeals to "nationalist" and "community" sentiments have effected continued imperialist rule of even so-called "independent" African nations to the present day.
Despite the recent quarter century of US and Canadian contributions to the mechanics of insurgency and counterinsurgency, it is the products of the public schools of England who continue to provide the most sophisticated basic concepts upon which the RAND Corporation and kindred CIA establishment "think tanks" work.
The Anglo-American (including Canadian) intelligence establishment was, from its inception, the merging of US material resources and talent for engineering gimmickry with British counterinsurgency conceptual leadership.
The British approach to military problems of imperialist rule at home and abroad has traditionally been that of solving the problem represented by limited regular military forces in the effort to rule over populations with the implicit capability of defeating those military forces. This is expressed to the present day, by current statements, from the Whitelaw-Kitson-Chalfont cabal to the effects that the British Army, now smaller than ever, is a more effective force than ever before - largely in consequence of the recent training experience in Northern Ireland.
The essential solution to this problem, from the standpoint of the British political intelligence stratum, is to employ an armamentarium of sociological and psychiatric weaponry to the effect of so dividing the subject population against itself that the military forces are never confronted with more than the small material force represented by a hard core resistant to a generally effective combination of sociological and psychiatric weapons of control.
The philosophy of the Anglo-American intelligence establishment is to transform the regular military establishment along what are now popularly known as "special forces" lines of training, equipment, and deployment, which the British call "low intensity operations" and the U.S. often prefers to term "stability operations." At the same time, especially since the studies completed during the late 1950's, the essential task of the CIA establishment is to lead the way to a
society of the future, a special kind of fascist regime in which the military officers of the past have been weeded out and replaced by a new type of officer corps composed of cadres trained in both regular and "low intensity" military operations, but also trained through education in economics, politics, etc., to become the government. (The Greek military dictatorship and the present government of Peru are exemplary products of CIA training programs of the late 1950's and early 1960's, programs developed to prepare the way for a more or less uniform array of such governments through the capitalist world.)
This is currently surfacing in the heated effort to establish a NATO-run "Atlantic Community" to replace the EEC (Common Market). The CIA scheme for fascist world government (e.g., James Schlesinger et al.) is a "Western" military establishment under direct CIA control, which as a whole represents what is called a "flexible response" force.
This "flexible response" military machine is to have a two-fold capability. In its ostensibly purely military features, it is to be organized around the Schlesinger-associated myth of a "first strike capability" against the Soviet Union, with the U.S.A. controlling the U.S. NATO deployment of such military capabilities.  The second capability will be directed against "secondary targets," which is a euphemism for the cities of one's own nation. (It is most strongly suspected that even nuclear-missile submarines of the U.S. fleet either recently have or are intended to be given last-ditch, Rockefeller-selected "secondary target" programs aimed against the major cities of the U.S.A. itself.)
In addition to the reorientation of a significant part of regular military units (including U.S. regular army and national guard) to the special-forces tasks of conducting My Lais against U.S. cities and towns, the CIA establishment has prescribed the replacement of ordinary state and local police forces by a national counter-insurgency police force modelled on Hitler's S.D. Gestapo, such as the LEAA is already rapidly becoming in the U.S.A. itself, and as the Royal Canadian Mounted Police is becoming in Canada.
Significant as these military and paramilitary aspects of the CIA establishment's illegal efforts may be, the main bulk of the establishment's work is concentrated in fascist forms of sociological and psychiatric programs, in connection with which the names of such Nuremberg criminals as Dr. John Rees, Dr. Kurt Lewin, Dr. Nathan S. Kline  and similar psychopathic degenerates are most prominently associated. It is this latter, predominant feature of the CIA establishment which the celebrated expert exposés omit to consider. Hence, by such a fallacy of composition in their accounts, they omit consideration of that vital, conclusive evidence which,
once considered, immediately answers all the important questions of What, Who and Why?
In brief, then, the CIA establishment is a Rockefeller-family-sponsored and essentially Rockefeller-family-controlled fascist conspiracy, a conspiracy whose military and paramilitary features are merely essential adjuncts of the fascist sociological and psychiatric conceptions developed by a mass of academics and professionals headed up by the late Dr. John Rawlings Rees.
The Case of Nixon
It is of secondary importance that there is absolutely no love lost between Governor Nelson Rockefeller and President Nixon, or that Nixon has occasionally trodden upon or has threatened to tread upon the toes of the CIA establishment. Despite those not unimportant secondary aspects of the matter, since his 1960 nomination, Nixon has functioned largely as a de facto part of the larger CIA establishment and substantially as a tool of the Rockefeller interests per se.
Certainly, Nixon knew in advance the Rockefeller-faction backgrounds of so many of his key appointees, and was sufficiently experienced to know that the creation of the White House "plumbers" unit opened the basement to direct infiltration by the CIA. He has an excellent political (if probably poorer "biological") appreciation of what Henry Kissinger is.
Given the conditions which most of its citizens (and foreigners) presume to be the continuing state of affairs for the U.S.A., Rockefeller had no ordinary reason to assume that the Nixon Administration would not carry out CIA establishment policies to approximately the extent that the political traffic would bear. Nixon is more or less exactly what he appears to be - undoubtedly with a bit more fight in him than some Rockefeller supporters expected.
On such premises it would appear insane for the Rockefellers to permit, let alone organize, the impeachment movement unloosed through the Watergate hoax. Such an astonishing turn could occur only if Nixon were sabotaging a vital policy, or if it were of a high order of expediency to drastically discredit the Presidency and the Congress.
We had foreseen the probability of Rockefeller's dumping Nixon at precisely the point that the crushing of the organized labor movement had been accomplished , although not then in terms of the specific type of conspiracy which has become so abundantly manifest during most recent months. Proof of Rockefeller control of the CIA establishment, his essential complicity in
setting up the energy hoax, and the CIA responsibility for setting up the "Pentagon Papers" and "Watergate" hoaxes, as Well as the CIA's unleashing of the impeachment movement (through leaks to the Washington Post from a CIA conduit), indicates that the general conditions for a calculated Rockefeller dumping of Nixon had matured, as we had earlier foreseen, but in a special fascist form we had not foreseen in that way until recent months.
Abstractly, President Nixon could readily and effectively counterattack, on almost any given morning, to send Rockefeller and the CIA reeling back. However, apart from such abstract possibilities, a counterattack against Rockefeller would necessarily lead to massive "anti-trust"-type reprisals against Rockefeller et al. by a jointly-enraged general public and major elements of leading political machines. Even in the second rank of leading financial circles, the mass of wealth attached to Rockefeller bones would make most enticing pickings for the Wall Street vultures who either had been stung by the Rockefellers or found it expedient to break from him to join the pack. This "danger" to "free enterprise" and not-unconnected other issues of Nixon's conservative philosophy and social base box him in, massively hindering him from defending himself as an individual political figure from a crushing attack on even his entire sense of personal identity.
In essence, the CIA establishment has Nixon psychologically profiled to be defeated, as well as surrounded by a massive concentration of Rockefeller supporters in the White House and Executive generally. They also control him by controlling his briefings, which, on all critical matters, depend substantially upon the CIA itself, Henry Kissinger, or, otherwise any number of Rockefeller’s establishment stooges in Defense, Treasury, HEW, Justice, as well as the Federal Reserve Board of Governors.
"Dissolve the CIA"?
It is to be doubted that a Congressional Act virtually liquidating the CIA itself would do much damage to the CIA establishment at this point. It is too late - or, perhaps only almost too late, for such remedies. That should have been accomplished during the early 1960's.
Typified by Schlesinger at Defense, Clarence Kelley as head of the FBI, Gestapo chief Santorelli ensconced in Justice, McGeorge Bundy at the Ford Foundation, et al., the CIA establishment is not only deeply embedded through domestic life, but perhaps the point is now imminent that it no longer critically depends upon the existence of the CIA proper for coordination of its
activities as a whole. In any case, a completed CIA takeover of the military and LEAA takeover of police, prisons, and Federal. state and local key prosecutors' offices, and a quiet transition from democratic capitalism to fascist terror will have been accomplished with enough veneer of pseudo-legality to stop the few feeble pretests aroused by such events.
At the top levels of government, it is now only possible to deter the CIA establishment. The CIA's fascist takeover this year can be stopped only by an enraged mass of working people.
3. THE ROCKEFELLER CIA CONSPIRACY
The economic-theoretical background needed to understand the most essential features of the Rockefellers' manifest decision to institute fascism in the advanced sector has been sufficiently outlined in Socialism or Fascism?  and various other published treatments of the current economic situation.  Not only is capitalism "objectively" driven to select fascist alternatives by processes underlying the deepening economic breakdown which erupted over the March 1968-August 1971 period; the Rockefeller family has consciously adopted fascist economic policy under the name of "Zero Growth." 
As early as the eighteenth century's Physiocrats, it had been formally acknowledged (in various ways) that the available combined real absolute rent, debt-service payments, and profit for a capitalist economy are limited to the absolute margin of expansion of production of useful wealth which occurs from one epoch to the next of the totality of a society's productive development.  Consequently, a "Zero Growth" capitalist society is, by definition, one in which the available absolute margin of "earned" rent, debt-service payments, and profits must be zero or less ... unless those three forms of capitalists' income are obtained by cannibalization of the essential means of human existence and productive capacities themselves.
Since such an economic form of capitalism prohibits government through manipulative appeal by capitalists to the improvement of the self-interests of the ruled, no "Zero Growth" model of capitalist economy can tolerate the persistence of traditional democratic institutions. This means, as a corrollary, that not only must existing forms of such democratic institutions be discredited and destroyed, but that the subject population must be so intimately policed and terrorized that the organic tendency to reconstitute democratic institutions is efficiently prevented. Consequently, whereas mere police-state terror by itself is traditionally sufficient to
maintain capitalist looting by cannibalization in underdeveloped sectors of imperialist semi-colonial rule, the organic tendency for democratic institutions in advanced sectors renders mere police-state rule insufficient as more than a brief transition to a more stable form of such economic regime: fascism.
The most notable prior model for such a modern "Zero Growth" economy is Nazi Germany. Under Nazi financier Hjalmar Schacht, from 1933 through 1936, German capitalists' prosperity was obtained through a "chain letter" credit system of "Mefo bills," which was propped up, in turn, by cannibalization of the German working class (speedup, drastically reduced wages, inflation, and depletion of the quality of the diet) and existing productive capacities. During the 1936-37 period, it became obvious to Schacht and other Nazi leaders that this autarchic system of cannibalization was rapidly approaching a point of depletion. In response to that problem, the Nazi economy obtained its stability through the looting of Germany's neighbors: Austria, Czechoslovakia, Scandinavia, the Low Countries, Poland, France, the Soviet Union, Italy. etc. Since Schacht was concerned for the inflationary effects of massive military budgets, he was eased out of portfolio positions, but his essential economic cannibalization ("Zero Growth") program was extrapolated to its inevitable conclusions (slave labor/death camps) by his successors.
The slave-labor and death-camp systems of the Nazis are not quirks of Hitler and his associates, but an intrinsic expression of the fundamental policies of any "Zero Growth" capitalist economy, Rockefeller's included. It is impossible to have "Zero Growth" policies beginning today without mass genocide tomorrow. Rather than averaging out the rate of cannibalization over the entire subject population, cadres of largely-German skilled and semi-skilled labor were maintained in a marginally functional state of productive well-being through a policy of concentrating the thus-redoubled rates of cannibalization upon the bodies of slave and "guest" workers, with special emphasis on political dissidents, Slavic peoples, gypsies and Jews. The [condition?] of the Italian, French and "Nordic" workers was intermediate between the German cadres and the slave-workers.
The average rate of cannibalization of raw materials and productive plant was similarly differentially distributed to the relative enhancement of German industries.
Contrary to the manifest wishful thinking of some Soviet spokesmen, both those of 1939-41 and today, it is impossible to separate the adoption of fascist "Zero Growth" policies in the "West" from the imminence of
early attack on the Soviet bloc itself. The pressures which quickly build up within the fascist economy lead rapidly, as was the case in Nazi Germany, toward an hysterical impulse to relieve internal looting pressures through looting foreign soil and populations. It is also impossible to adopt a "Zero Growth" economic policy today without a conscious policy among leading financier circles to impose a fascist regime upon the subject population of the advanced sector.
What Is Fascism?
Neither the Soviet leadership nor its "Trotskyist" critics have yet developed a scientific or even useful definition of the term, fascism. (Liberal academic efforts along these lines are too wretchedly incompetent to even consider mention.) The analysis of this matter numbers among the unique achievements of the Labor Committees. 
Fascism has two ultimately interdependent aspects, which should be considered separately at first, so that the connection among these phases can then be properly sorted out. As a mass-based movement, fascism is an outgrowth of anarchosyndicalism and Papal ideology  whose effect and intent is to counterpose to Marxian or "Bolshevik" "centralization" and "collectivism" the "natural" radical impulses of the fragmented constituency group. The atomization of the population by fascism renders it the suitable last resort for a political base of support of the ruling financiers under those conjunctural circumstances in which capitalists' (either conscious or de facto) "Zero Growth" policies destroy the usefulness of democratic capitalist institutions.
Modern fascism unites these two interdependent aspects of fascism in general. By "modern fascism" we mean specifically Rockefeller's fascism or the conscious fascist model developed for the Rockefeller-dominated interests by Brigadier Dr. John Rawlings Rees and his collaborators. By conscious, we emphasize that Rees et al. proceeded from Rees's close, admiring studies of the Mussolini and Nazi fascist movements and states, to find there a starting-point which coincided with similar features of British colonial experience.
By the end of World War II, these studies had already taken form of a long-range fascist plot. Although the Rockefellers have not been reluctant to dabble in use of such "independent" fascist organizations as the Italian MSI, the main, distinctive thrust of the Rockefeller-Rees plot was the directed imposition of sophisticated fascist form of social organization from above - as distinct from capitalist sponsorship of and collusion with a fascist movement developing a mass base somewhat independently of immediate financier direction of its development and operations.
The emphasis contributed by Rees et al. to this effect
was the application of psychiatry to the refinement of then-existing fascist schemata, supplemented by actual brainwashing of even significant masses of the subject population.
The object for Rees and his collaborators was to discover the susceptibilities (specific psychoneurotic tendencies) which caused populations to join and support fascist organizations. On the basis of such inquiries, packages were developed. These packages included the training of (Saul Alinsky-type) government and foundation-sponsored organizers. Such organizers were disguised as "radicals," under which cover they could intervene in foci of social ferment, proposing "radical solutions" and forms of organization of "radical constituencies" which would draw the dupes gradually, step by step, into the form of an actual fascist movement around the fascist notions of "nationalism" and the fascist principle of "radical" struggles for "local community control."
This radical counterinsurgency organizing (Saul Alinsky and his emulators are the pure type of such CIA operatives and agents) has been coupled with direct counterinsurgency through CIA operations in the Philippines, Greece and Vietnam, or British operations in Malaysia, Aden, Kenya and Northern Ireland. The "radical" Saul Alinsky-type organizer is the "soft cop"; the military or paramilitary counterinsurgent of "Operation Phoenix" notoriety is the "hard cop." The quasi-supportive "radical organizer" and aversive environment created by the military or para-military boys thus represent the two essential social-control elements of a brainwashing situation.
The New Left/"local community control"/"ecology movement"/"Naderism" in the recent US experience amply document the essential features of the "radical" counterinsurgency facet of the conspiracy. "New Left" versus "Old Left," elaborated as the CIA counterinsurgency concept of "participatory democracy" in opposition to vigorous intellectual life in policy-making, the concept of "participatory democracy" as wilful self-sabotage of any potential for coordinated tactical deployment of masses against repressive forces. "Post-industrial society," a Ford Foundation-sponsored bit of nonsense whose practical point, as a counterinsurgency weapon of ideology, introduced the proto-fascist notion of "Zero Growth" as a "radical" ideology. Rejecting or degrading "material demands," is another step in the "radical" counterinsurgent's attempt to brainwash the dupes he influences. "Quality of life," "co-participation," etc., are further down the road, virtually reaching explicitly fascist policies. The intensification of fascist "local
community control" ideology to the point that the dupes accept such fascist police proposals as "block-watchers," etc., represents the successful transformation of the counterinsurgents' dupes into an actual fascist movement.
All the elements of the present plot - takeover of government agencies, universities, "radical" movements, the energy hoax set-up, the conversion of military forces into "low intensity" operations forces, the introduction of the Gestapo-like LEAA, and the massive use of brainwashing - are not only all planned developments, but the progress of this planning and its implementation is abundantly documented in the published writings of chief exponents and practitioners involved! Any person who denies that a fascist plot is in progress is either totally uninformed, illiterate, or simply an hysterical fool.
The Conspiracy in General
The Reesians' other principal addition to fascist technology, "brainwashing," is applied as an adjunct of the military and paramilitary features of the Rockefeller fascist conspiracy. Although the internal features of brainwashing methods are "genetically" only an intensification of fascist "radical organizing" projects, their application is more appropriately situated, as we have just noted, within the military/paramilitary context.
The Rockefellers' military/paramilitary counterinsurgency operations are typified by the bloody "pacification" programs used in Malaysia, Aden, Vietnam, etc., for which the bloody crime of My Lai stands as the best-known example. The general point of such efforts is to isolate and destroy the "hard core" political base of support of the fascists' opponents by the general methods borrowed from the Eastern and Southern European practices of the Nazi S.S.
The general principle expressed in "Operation Phoenix" can be and has been adapted for application in circumstances of political climate which do not yet permit open deployment of Special Forces-type assassination teams against civilian populations generally.
Provided that the courts, prosecutor's offices and police forces themselves are subverted by CIA-linked agencies (e.g. LEAA), and that the leading capitalist press condones such crimes, regular CIA-infiltrated law enforcement units can be - and have been - extensively deployed in illegal covert operations (frame-ups, etc.) which have the same purpose and similar effect as My Lai-type operations.
It is in this context of covert CIA police operations that "brainwashing" serves the fascists in a two-fold fashion.
The "brainwashed" dissident is mentally murdered in fact; provided the Rockefeller forces control the majority of the psychiatric profession, especially the state-controlled psychiatric institutions, a fairly efficient form of murder can be perpetrated without significant risk that the fact of the crime can be exploited by the victim's former friends and associates. Such a "brainwashee" can also be used to assist directly in staging frame-ups of other dissidents, or used as members of a zombie "counter-gang" - such as the New Alternatives Group (NAG) of brainwashed ex-Labor Committee members and their supervising police operatives. The threatened transition from current LEAA-FBI-NAG-linked operations against the Labor Committees to outright My Lai tactics against the broader strata of the US population is one of degree, not involving any essential difference in principles. The essential distinction between the two degrees is summed up in the phrase, "what the present political traffic will bear."
In summary, the Rockefellers' Reesian fascist plot is identified by the following principal features:
(1) It is a classical fascist plot in the sense that conjunctional economic-political developments of aggravated monetary crisis have imperiled the dominant financiers' faction to opt for fascist quasi-legal overthrow of existing democratic institutions.
(2) It is a classical fascist plot in the essential respect, that like Nazi Germany, it is the inevitable consequence of a conscious decision by financiers to institute a "Zero Growth" economy.
(3) It is a consciously fascist plot in the respect that it has been deliberately prepared during a period of over a quarter century, and consciously premises all the principal features of its designs on the fusion of the Nazi and Mussolini models with the counterinsurgency experiences of the British colonial office.
(4) Unlike earlier fascist movements, the Rockefeller fascist movement is PRIMARILY initiated from above, thus attempting to short-cut the traditional road of semi-independent evolution of mass-based fascist models.
(5) The principal, consciously formulated features of the intended fascist political superstructure are: (a) the takeover of all regular military institutions by "the CIA" (e.g., of all US Defense Department, NATO, etc.); (b) the replacement of all political parties by the CIA-controlled military officer corps, and officer corps trained to serve jointly or alternatively as regular military, paramilitary, police, and "civilian government" operatives (if political parties nominally exist under this arrangement, they will exist only to the extent that their existence and functioning is chartered by the CIA junta); (c) the
modelling of both military ("Waffen SS") and paramilitary police (e.g., S.D. or LEAA) on the Nazi S.S.-system, inclusive (in the USA) of transforming the FBI into a "Gestapo";
(6) The integration of the paramilitary political police force (e.g., S.D.-like LEAA) with the fascist organization of the population (e.g., "local community control," "co-participation") through such flagrant imitations of the Nazi S.S.-system as the employment of "townwatchers" and "blockwatchers" as Gestapo operatives within the pores of the population;
(7) the integral role of large-scale brainwashing activities as a routine police activity of "thought-control," with the majority of licensed psychiatrists and psychologists already trained (e.g., in the U.S.A.) to function as a criminal "thought-police" cadre force.
The development of the real CIA, the Anglo-American political intelligence cabal, the CIA establishment, has been essentially directed to a systematic infiltration of all principal existing institutions, an infiltration which is a deliberate, preparatory deployment aimed at the establishment of a "quasi-legal" fascist takeover through which a "1984" model of capitalist society would be imposed on all the countries of Western Europe, North America, Japan, and Oceania.
"Conspiratorial Theory"? As we underlined earlier in this article, the last retort of the muddle-headed academic or journalist, when he can no longer deny the massive factual evidence of Rockefellers' fascist conspiracy, is to insist that all such facts must be "bad, " because to accept them would be tantamount to adopting a "conspiratorial theory of history." This is the point at which to treat that matter.
In the broadest permissible usage of the term conspiratorial, nothing is implied but the qualitative distinction of man over lower forms of animal life. It is precisely the voluntary element of human existence which determines and is all human history.  In that restricted sense, the term history and conspiratorial are only two different ways of expressing the same notion. The academic historian who does not accept such a "conspiratorial" notion is by definition no historian.
To summarize the related point we have developed at length, repeatedly, in other writings, what distinguishes man from the lower animals is his deliberate (i.e., voluntary) alteration of his mode of reproduction of the material conditions of human life. For reasons developed in our cited writings, human history is defined by those tendencies in successful human innovation (as distinct from "blind alleys" of social evolution) which orders human society as a whole according to the increase or decrease of negentropy in its social-reproductive "Thermodynamics."  From the standpoint of such an "ecological
thermodynamics"  man has wilfully advanced, in effect from a poor Pleistocene species of animal to a succession of higher species, in such a way that general evolution's main dynamic has been shifted in effect from the biological domain (in the reductionist sense of biological)  to the mental. It is not man's mental behavior as such which is so distinguished, but his wilful, qualitative advancements in his conceptual power to wilfully determine whole ranges of mere behavior. It is that aspect of human deliberate activity through which the historian properly studies that progress of these conceptual powers which is the proper subject of history.
It is in that restricted sense that the terms, history and conspiracy, are precise equivalents.
The properly pejorative usage of the epithet "conspiratorial theory of history" is limited to those forms of childish adults' fantasy in which the neurotic individual expresses a belief in magic. He imagines that man can will almost any arbitrary form of existence (utopia or anti-utopia) into being without regard to those real conditions which delimit both the undermining of specific old institutions and the possibility of inducing acceptance of one or more feasible alternative sets of new institutions and modes of behavior. Man chooses: that is the immediate content of all scientific notions of history. Yet, man is not able to choose absolutely any alternative arbitrarily, as if by magic, by witchcraft. Man can only choose, on the one hand, to end the domination of old institutions which have become vulnerable to supersession, and man can choose to supersede those by selections from a limited range of new alternatives.
The essential choices at any critical juncture in the life of the individual or society are among two spectra of choices, one representing effective social-reproductive entropy and the other effective negentropy. Essentially, in that way, man can choose among several delimited types of pathways leading variously toward extension or human progress.
That is Marx's view of this problem. 
There is in opposition to Marx's view, a semi-coherent criticism of "conspiratorial" analyses, a criticism peculiar to capitalist ideology. The kernel of the argument employed by its proponents is inevitably cognate with the quack economists' worship of the myth of the "invisible hand."  It is ironical, but not accidental that such criticisms are advanced for the stultification of the gullible chiefly by those same academics whose appointments are directly or indirectly determined by capitalists. Hence the irony of a denial of the role of conniving by the de facto agents of persons whose wealth has been amassed by the rawest conniving.
Clinically speaking, such academic criticisms have a twofold aspect. As capitalist propaganda, these
criticisms rationalize the continued submission of the ruled. In that respect we meet the academic apologist for capitalism in his role as an agent of his employer. Yet, it must not be denied that the propagandists for these views frequently argue from the strongest "sincere" personal convictions. This is the second clinical feature of the matter: the passionately-convinced slave teaching the ideology of slavery out of the need to morally justify his own willful self-degradation.
The criticism offered is itself a far cruder absurdity than "modern" attempts to trisect an angle with ruler and compass.
This absurdity is most flagrantly manifest whenever the critic of "conspiratorial" analyses angrily opposes efforts to predict the course of history. It may seem queer, and rightly so, that those same academics who otherwise argue for the absence of anything but a strictly lawful determination of historical processes should couple that argument against "voluntarism" with hysterical denunciation of the view that the course of development is largely predictable. Why this queer paradox? How do they attempt to reconcile this ostensible absurdity of their views?
The motive for the fear of predicting becomes clear as our attention progresses from the crude, academic notion of prediction (i.e.. "vulgarly squatting outside the universe"), to a practical outlook on the question. Since the voluntary component of historical development is the selection of willful courses of action to alter history, predicting is clinically indistinguishable from schizophrenic fantasies until the reality principle is incorporated in the personal activity of predicting. For me to predict is a meaningless gesture unless I include the requirement of adducing what I am morally obliged to do. That locates the essential distinction between magical (e.g., schizophrenic) "crystal ball" predicting, mere academic divination, and a persisting outlook on life in which I take responsibility for foreseeing the ultimate outcome of my own acts and omissions. Without such prediction there is no personal morality. Without such personal commitment, no sane predicting.
The person who disallows prediction on principle is simply a wilfully immoral person. His opposition to predicting is an hysterical effort to escape viewing his responsible acts, to avoid knowledge of the consequences of his chosen behavior. He is essentially analogous to the "good Germans" under Hitler, who protected their conscience by not looking in the direction from which a certain smokestack could be noted.
He is not simply an immoral person. Rather, he does act to effect a result he deems predictable enough; he acts to propitiate certain established peer-group or other "authorities" as a means of securing what he regards as
personal security or gain. He reports his neighbors to the local Gestapo to enhance his personal security, but refuses to consider the predictable consequence of such degenerate behavior upon his society and ultimately himself. His fear of prediction is his fear of being confronted with evidence of his own immoral nature.
Predicting is the characteristic concern of Spinozan or Promethean man, who seeks and accepts personal responsibility for the present and future well-being of humanity as a whole. The fear of prediction is the morality of Uriah Heep, the hallmark of the sycophant, the schlemihl, who needs to rationalize his refusal to live as a man, his refusal to accept personal responsibility to act as history demands of him. The schlemihl prefers to leave the making of history to "duly constituted, established authorities," while he nonetheless retains his philistine's self-righteous prerogative to criticize the result of this with characteristic personal detachment from responsibility for such outcome of his own profession.
The academic who simultaneously derides prediction and voluntarism may be logically absurd but is clinically consistent. The consistent feature of his profession is his principle that the willful determination of the course of history is the exclusive prerogative of the capitalist establishment. In denouncing voluntarism, he is merely insisting that the subjects must regard the will of the rulers as divine, as a virtual law of nature. His derision of prediction in his sycophant's defense against the imposition of any law upon his rulers, and corrollary to this, his refusal to take personal responsibility for the consequence of any act he wilfully performs on the instructions of his master.
How, then, is it possible that such moral degenerates of academia, etc., can regard themselves as truly human? They are not; they are infantile.
This subhuman quality of such academies, et al., is efficiently sympathized by the discovery that the rationalizations they offer depend upon the implicit premises of an infantile belief in magic. 
The "lawfulness" in which the infantile believes is the permanence of the power of mother's magic to maintain his personal world order within the bounds of circumstances where favorable outcomes are never hopelessly out of reach. In his fantasy, as in those soap- operas which accordingly appeal to the most pitiful forms of fantasy-life, he is the "hero," for whom everything must ultimately turn out "beautiful" in a final moment of tearful rejoicing. Danger, suffering, setbacks are for him akin thus to the "Perils of Pauline." "Something will turn up," Everything will work out better in due time," "Have faith." To admit that absolute catastrophes must be prevented by acts of per-
sonal responsibility is to cease being that pathetic pseudo-adult, to cease being that Macho, that Pappagallo, that jock, whose ability to function is dependent upon hearing the friendly, warm swish of his mother's skirts within his unconscious mental processes.
The academic disguise for such belief in magic is generally cognate with Adam Smith's notion of the "invisible hand" and corresponding queer sorts of belief in a "probabilistic determinism." In such superstitious forms of determinism, history is indeed represented as ultimately subject to some sort of lawfulness, at worst a collection of old wives' maxims of the sort made popular by the "Chicago School" of quack economics. In the more "sophisticated" classroom versions of such infantile superstitions the causal connection among successive arrays of events is determined by factors involving so-called randomness. 
According those views, it is morally wrong to attempt to directly determine the course of events in the macro-realm. However, in the micro-realm each "molecule" (each individual, each isolated event) can randomly choose alternatives among the minutiae, each type of such choice involving what is termed a "factor." The aggregation of minute choices can then, sometimes, occur as a coincidence of accumulated choices in the perceptible dimensions of the macro-realm.
To understand that world-outlook in something more usable than mere descriptive terms, it is indispensable to locate such rationalizations in clinical terms, as expressing a belief in witchcraft, a witch's theology:
The world-order in macro can not be wilfully, directly determined by any witch. Yet, each individual witch may magically ordain an unlawful occurrence in very small, personal matters [essentially the influence of the microscopic alternatives of good luck or bad luck presumed to affect isolated individuals]. If there chances to occur a cumulative coincidence in the effect of microscopic interventions by millions of such witches, then and only then could a permissible wilful ordering of the macro-realm fortuitously occur though witchcraft [e.g. voluntarism].
The world-outlook associated with the Friedman school in economic quackery is exemplary of the general method as encountered in all professions. Warlock Friedman seizes upon every undesired occurrence macro-scale as evidence of the immorality of attempted direct interventions in management of the economy, restricting the controlling role of government to its peculiar God-given essence as a regulator of fiscal and monetary aggregates. All good, he deems, must occur through the miraculous interventions of the "invisible hand."
To the extent that the Friedmanites have occasionally been successful in locating instances of mismanagement by Federal "intervention," it can be shown in fact that the unhappy outcome is not intervention in itself, but wrong-headedness, the countervailing consequence of inherently misguided, because capitalist, efforts to act against the inescapable principles of capitalists contradictions. Friedman's own prescriptions represent the very worst sort of option for the capitalists on just this account. Friedman's "libertarian" notions (which, notably, do not extend to police matters) are simply rampant infantilism in shoddy academic disguise.
One should properly insist that capitalism is and always has been intrinsically conspiratorial, at least in the restricted sense in which we have applied that term. The foundations of capitalism were situated in the connivery by which episcopal and other feudal grants to loot existing sources of wealth were secured by Renaissance mercantilists. The organic development of capitalism thereafter is located in the continuation of such political means (primitive accumulation of profits against existing wealth) and in investment and production decisions which, in turn, have been determined largely by macro-circumstances themselves substantially ordered by interventions of leading financial powers in the policies of states. As financial power became more immediately interdependent and concentrated, the capricious decisions of a diminishing handful of dominant financiers have intensified the susceptibility of the course of events to the ukases of a tiny number of chief conspirators.
That dismal aspect of current history is not lacking in potentially positive features. The increased conspiratorial powers of the Rockefeller family interests and machines reflect the acceleration of immediate interdependency of the underlying, world-wide productive forces, a trend which represents a successful development of society to over-ripeness for more directly wilfull determination of the human condition. It represents an over-ripeness of society's development for the control of human history through a total, if open "conspiracy" of the entire working class population.
The case for the development of thermonuclear fusion power is dramatically illustrative of the theoretical issues involved. For society as a whole, the development of such alternative power sources (and accompanying new technology in general) is the paradigm of continued human development and existence itself. At present, through a "Manhattan Project" scale of "brute force" development effort, a successful breakthrough to implementation could be obtained within five years. The Rockefeller interests, through their hegemony in private thermonuclear research and their indirect (CIA) control
of the Atomic Energy Commission, have the power to either cause or suppress such an urgent effort. It happens that such a breakthrough would be inimitable to their financial interests, financial which are thus counterposed to human interests in the most fundamental fashion. The real, predictable outcome of the choices thus defined -- the absorbing chain of alternative choices - exemplifies the historical lawfulness permeating and delimiting choice in the voluntary (e.g., "conspiratorial") determination of history.
The issue before us is not whether or not the world should be, is, controlled by conspiracy. In the sense we circumscribed the proper use of the term, modern society is lawfully conspiratorial by nature. The only sane practical question arising from that reality is: Which conspiracy shall prevail? That of the CIA establishment grouped around the fascist Rockefeller family? Or the vast democratic institutions of the world's working-class population?
4. THE ROLE OF JOHN R. REES
The most striking experience for our specialists, as they began to trace out the vast plot, was the persistence with which every background study of leading fascist agents led quickly to Rees. Even at this relatively advanced stage of our investigations, the question has yet to be adequately resolved: for what reason did the Rockefeller establishment of three nations (the USA, Canada, and United Kingdom) elect to place such enormous resources and authority at the disposal of this one, admittedly gifted British psychopath? We leave the ultimate answer to such questions to one side; that particular answer could not be of decisive importance to the case under consideration. It is the question itself which is most useful to us. There is no doubt of one thing: for whatever mysterious reason behind his selection for this role, the Rockefeller family did select Rees, and in consequence he has been the principal architect of the "1984" fascism which the CIA establishment is now engaged in constructing.
Rees's personal life as such is of little importance to us, barring our being presented with sufficient clinical detail to adduce the circumstances which produced so hideous a creature. His writings, his positions in affairs, his enormous and indeed monstrous itinerary, and his manifest influence are sufficient resource for what is important for us to consider here.
Like his most famous predecessor, Adolf Hitler, and his most notorious patient, Rudolf Hess, Rees dates the beginning of his political career as a fascist from the anti-communist atrocities of the period immediately following the October, 1917 Bolshevik Revolution -
when Rees served as a medical officer in Churchill's British expeditionary force invading the Caucusus region. According to his own account, Rees spent the overwhelming majority of his adult years as, first, a military psychiatrist, and later on as the most influential operative of both the CIA and British Political Intelligence.
His known connection to the Rockefellers begins in 1934, in connection with the sponsorship of the then-Tavistock Clinic.  After the transformation of that clinic into one of the world's leading fascist "think tanks," the Tavistock Institute, at the end of the war, Rees moved onward and upward, directing his far-flung and expanding influence and operations through the CIA cover known as the World Federation of Mental Health.
The theme of all of Rees's known work is the development of the uses of psychiatry as a weapon of the ruling class. There are three dominant features in this approach. Firstly, Rees emphasized the value of the military both as a model for "improvements" in civil affairs institutions and its admirable latent potential to provide efficient government. Secondly, Rees emphasized the importance of applying First and Second World War military psychiatric experience as a paradigm for a system of community mental health clinics, through which counterinsurgency psychiatrists could forcibly administer "therapy" to large populations, free of existing legal restrictions, and whether or not such populations desired such therapy. Thirdly, Rees stressed the importance of affording psychiatrists a consultative role in designing various kinds of administrative and social programs of government and industry. One should not be astonished that the late George Orwell conceived his 1984 novel after a period of exposure to a group of Rees's followers.
In general the appellation "brilliant psychopath" aptly sums up the man and his work. Nonetheless, something more exact is wanted on this point respecting his work.
At the outset, it must seem difficult to gauge Rees's mental abilities directly from his limited literary output. By his own emphatic admission, he was an omnivorous plagiarist. It would be extremely difficult to isolate Rees's own formulations in the ordinary way of determining such things. An indirect, but nonetheless effective approach is wanted.
Rees's role was that of part-activist, pre-eminently administrator. As an activist, he consulted to governments. He shaped the Haitian dictatorship of "Papa Doc" Duvalier, with assistance from Dr. Nathan S. Kline. Toward the end of his life, in 1968, he personally supervised the transformation of a battered,
broken, and terrified ex-poet, LeRoi Jones, into the zombie Imamu Baraka. As an administrator, he advised and guided the development of his collaborators and subordinates, adding his personal touch in giving direction to both the shaping of their contributions and the coordination of wide-ranging efforts among a far-flung fascist establishment of sociologists and pathologists.
The proper approach to our inquiry is implicit in the use of the slogan "England has a Reesian mission'' by Rees's collaborator, Enoch Powell. Reesianism is uniquely located in the pattern which unifies the varied conceptions and activities of his innumerable collaborators. 
The dominant feature of Rees's work is his concentration on those features of Anglo-Canadian military and British colonial experience which coincide with fundamentals of the Nazi S.S. system. His approach to such studies was always to locate in the potential fascist subjects those psychoneurotic susceptibilities which could be played upon by the ruling class to effect "happy,'' willing subjugation. The Nazi "Strength Through Joy'' and the hideous concentration-camp slogan, "Work Makes Free" are ideally Reessian catch-phrases.
For those "purists'' who must insist on finding racism as the root of all fascist movements, Rees proves most satisfactory. Like his crony, racist British Nuremberg criminal, Dr. H.J. Eysenck, and like such U.S. Reesians as Shockley, Herrnstein, et al., Rees was a raving anti-black racialist, whose entire fascist schema revolved around the theme of the "constitutional inferiority'' of blacks, their typical fitness only for "menial work," the happiness they would find only away from the strains of literacy in happy reconciliation to intellectually unchallenging drudgery.
This is underlined rather than contradicted by the work of Rees and Kline in Haiti or Rees's own key role in creating the public relations myth of lmamu Baraka. For the "constitutionally inferior'' blacks of Duvalier's Haiti, Rees's subcontractor, Kline, prescribed drugs and voodoo cults. The same triumphant racist sadism is rampant in Rees's personal creation of the zombie, Baraka "Kawaida'' and the literally mind-damaging Baraka-run elementary school are the sort of self-degrading "geek act'' which only the most viciously psychopathic anti-black racist could propose that blacks adopt as an "ideology.''
Those are only isolated cases. Through his base in the WFMH, Rees's influence soon took over within the National Institute of Health and National Institute of Mental Health. Although the activities undertaken by those U .S. government agencies were explicitly indictable as crimes against humanity under the
Nuremberg Law, Rees had little difficulty in extending his influence in that way. Between the Rockefeller family's long-standing control oven the American Medical Association and American Psychiatric Association, and the encroachments of the CIA establishment into all branches of government, various governmental, including military funds, were used to push the development of brainwashing and to plant Rees protégés in key locations. As Rees OSS student, B.F. Skinner's position at Harvard was established in this way. Another Rees student, Dr. Kenneth Clark, moved, into Rockefeller's New York State Board of Regents and also into the key black counterinsurgency post (MARC) of the Rockefeller-inspired and Rockefeller-controlled Ford Foundation. Dr. Nathan S. Kline, one of the worst Reesian criminals, heads New York State's Rockland State Hospital and is in a key position at New York s Columbia Presbyterian Hospital, where a broad and old tradition of brain-butchery thrives. The list of his criminal influences, mostly-Rockefeller-linked, is enormous.  These are being reported in detail elsewhere. We proceed here to the kernel of his methodology.
5. THE KERNEL OF REESIAN FASCISM
Reesian fascism and Reesian brainwashing are interconnected, criminal expressions of the identical methodological approaches to the Rockefeller family's problems of maintaining control of their subjects under conditions of "Zero Growth" or Schachtian economic policies. All Rees’s techniques proceed on the same essential premises as those of Rees's most notable collaborator, another Rockefeller protégé, Dr. Kurt Lewin.
For related reasons, despite the elaborate reticulation of hardware and software developed by the Anglo-American CIA establishment, the central premises of all those techniques are rudimentary and the repertoire of specific techniques developed necessary permutations of an essentially limited variety of basic types.
If the kernel of Reesian psychology and sociology is studied from the vantage point offered in our "new psychoanalysis'' series, one soon appreciates why the CIA was so acutely alarmed by the publication of those articles that it is currently spending millions of dollars (characteristically, of other agencies' funds!) each month in the desperate effort to discredit our work on that account alone. Given relatively modest means to do so we have the knowledge wanted to destroy what the Rockefeller establishment has been developing over a period of over a quarter century.
This point was made to us in the most striking way as we pulled together so much of the Reesian output during
the first weeks of this year. Our analysis of the "mother-image'' problem, of anal phobias, of schizophrenia, etc., are - although without being developed to those specific purposes - explicit antidotes for the very kernel of the Reesian's professed psychiatric and sociological technique.
The essential premise of the work of John R. Rees and Kurt Lewin is the premise that certain kinds of ''democratic'' institutions represent far more efficient instrumentalities for fascist dictatorship than the traditional straightforwardly "authoritarian'' models. Their work pervasively emphasizes the point that if the controllers can succeed in structuring a stressed individual's or group's situation appropriately, the victim(s) can be induced to develop for himself a special sort of "reaction formation'' through which he "democratically'' arrives precisely at the attitudes and decisions which the dictators would wish to force upon him.
Proceeding from that point of reference, Reesian forms of brainwashing (those practiced by the Anglo-American CIA establishment) and the fascist slogan of "local community control'' are kindred products of the identical "therapeutic" approach: the former explicitly in the domain of psychiatry, the latter explicitly in the domain of sociology.
To avoid confusion and groundless forms of objection to what we have to outline in this section, it is useful and undoubtedly necessary to define the proper usage of the term ''brainwashing.''
Brainwashing is a state of induced psychosis, resembling paranoid schizophrenic psychosis, brought about through procedures of so-called programmed behavioral modification. In addition to being merely an induced psychotic state, brainwashing is also what the layman usually assumes it to be, a modification of the victim's state of mind to the effect that the brainwashee is under the effective control of an agency on whose behalf he was conditioned.
By adhering strictly to the qualification of control, our use of the term brainwashing incurs only a few, minor difficulties, but also eliminates very efficiently a wide spectrum of avoidable fears and unnecessary confusion which might occur in connection with that fearful term.
We repeat, our usage of the term, brainwashing, is restricted to the cases in which the psychotic state induced by programmed behavioral modification is (or was) incurred as a means of exerting control by an agency on whose behalf the crime was perpetrated.
The only problem we incur by that restriction is the need to provide a special category for victims who were
formerly brainwashed, but who have been freed from control. It is essential to have such a clinical category because of the permanent damage accomplished. The victim out of control may nonetheless suffer continuous or recurring psychotic symptoms. The victim who has been remitted from both control and psychotic effects will require psychotherapeutic treatment for aggravated neurotic difficulties as a result of the experience, including possibly irreparable damage to those specific close personal relationships (including marriage, relationships to parents) against which the brainwashers necessarily operated.
The advantage of the restriction in meaning is mainly practical. Let us address ourselves to certain widespread fears as a convenient way of approaching the key points to be made.
It is technically possible for any trained operators to brainwash almost anyone of about thirty or under given appropriate circumstances. The most obvious of these circumstances is provided by a prison or mental institution, in which the selected victim is helplessly constrained within a controlled environment twenty-four hours a day, with hope of release psychologically distant in terms of the stresses which can be applied by those who control this environment. There are more restrictions upon the possibility that a private agency or group of persons could accomplish a similar result outside of a special institutional setting.
Most important in the connection, in those instances in which the victim were brainwashed by any agency but the government itself, the victim would tend to automatically remit from a controlled state within a relatively brief period away from the institution or special private group which had perpetrated the crime upon him. He would suffer functional damage to his mental health as a result of the experience, might even be driven to psychosis, but he would remit from control.
Therefore, if there are any numbers of brainwashed persons walking the streets, they remain brainwashed solely because they have been brainwashed on behalf of the U.S. government itself. In the vernacular of the profession, the diagnosis of brainwashing is inseparable from the identification of controlled environment. As a corollary, clinical demonstration that a person is brainwashed, under appropriate circumstances is sufficient prima facie proof that the brainwashing was performed on behalf of the U.S. government. Likewise publicly disband both the FBI and the LEAA, and virtually every brainwash victim walking the streets in the U.S.A. will automatically remit from a brainwashed state within days.
We do not profess to know all the possibilities of "brain surgery'' and "electronic brain stimulation'' as methods
of brainwashing, but, for functional states, whether or not assisted by psychopharmaceuticals and ECT, the decisive feature of brainwashing is fear or the virtual omnipresence of an inhumanly aversive authority.
The other qualitative feature of brainwashing, the induced psychotic state, is readily understood from the standpoint of our writings on the "new psychoanalysis." Essentially, the victim is first reduced to a state of infantilism (e.g. as recommended by the strange Doctor Janov of the "primal scream'' cult), and is then induced to form a psychotic pseudo-personality on the basis of modified, mother-image-centered "ego-ideals."
While the pseudo-personality is operating in the "safety" of a controlled environment (i.e., "protected'' by the police responsible for the brainwashing!), he or she may not appear to be brainwashed or particularly disturbed to the untrained, uncritical observer. (Just as victims of an LSD-25-induced state of psychosis sometimes may outwardly appear to be rational to the casual view of the layman.) However, competent clinical attention will invariably evoke conclusive evidence of a paranoid schizophrenic state. Or, remove the victim from the reach of the police for over twenty-four or perhaps as much as forty-eight hours, and overt disassociation will erupt within that period or an even briefer lapse of time.)
The schizophrenic symptoms are classical and unambiguous, however masked they might appear to the uncritical layman. (If one has clues to the personality and belief structure of the victim before brainwashing was induced, the tests are directly made.) The victim's sense of reality is turned inside-out. "He" or "she" (the pseudo-personality) becomes "I" and the pseudo-I now attributes the value attached to former beliefs and activities to present activities.
For example, in the near-dozen cases of NCLC, RYM, and NUWRO members conclusively known to have been brainwashed for either the CIA or LEAA, the victim characteristically accused the Labor Committees of "brainwashing'' its members (a clinical impossibility), and reflected his or her own personality by attributing a profound personality reversal to me at approximately the point in time they themselves underwent brainwashing! Everything aversive done to them by their new "peer-group," the CIA-LEAA controllers, they attributed to the Labor Committees.
The queer sort of inverted psychological truth to all this is the fad that they were brainwashed because they were NCLC, RYM, or NUWRO members; therefore the NCLC, RYM, or NUWRO is responsible for their brainwashing! It requires only a slight twist of tortured schizoid "rationalization'' to associate to the next formulation:
"The Labor Committees brainwashed me," which is schizophrenic shorthand for the truth, "I was brainwashed by the police because I was a member of the Labor Committees."
In general, the reality principle is the basis for all the appropriate clinical observations and tests. "What color is this?" "What is this odor?" "What is the use of this object?" "Who is this?" "What happened on...?'' It is important to get beyond the sometimes speciously-rational parsing of the schizoid's prose utterances to examine whether the statements make sense by simple tests of the perception of sensory and social reality. The brainwashee's psychotic state will reveal itself quickly by hysterical little ruses, intended to divert his own attention away from reality in a controlled area of behavior. (Or, as we indicated before, if there exists the possibility, through legal powers of parents or spouse, to commit a victim to clinical observation safely away from police access for a term of several days, the result will be either a tellingly prompt police intervention or an abundant outpouring of the most blatant symptoms of paranoid schizophrenic states.)
A Black Ghetto Case History
Although we do not presently know directly whether or not LeRoi Jones (Imamu Baraka) is clinically brainwashed, a fairly recent case of a brainwashed RYM member from Newark shows why the possibility of Jones's brainwashing is at least a moot question.
The victim, whom we shall identify as M, was a young black male ex-prisoner, continued on probation, who had been a committed RYM organizer for five months prior to his brainwashing. His setup began in January, through collaboration among his probation officer, the New York City FBI office, and the Newark Gestapo, the literally fascist LEAA organization dominating the Newark that John R. Rees created for the Prudential Life Insurance Company. Whenever he visited New York City, he was hounded back to Newark by threatening visits from the FBI. In Newark, he was subjected to intensive harassment by the LEAA, including a series of beatings performed at random in the vicinity of his home, threats to his family, etc.
This was the first step: terrorize the victim into regarding the entire world as a police-controlled environment (with the help of the FBI), constantly hounding him back to Newark (from which the FBI ensured that there would be no escape), where he was almost daily subjected to illegal beatings, imprisonment, etc., by the outlaw LEAA forces. The LEAA usually says to the victim, as it did in this case. "See, nigger, we can get you
anywhere, any time, and do anything to you, and there's not a goddamn thing you can do about it.'')
During this period miraculously appeared the local NAACP, which offered him educational opportunities and subsidies - provided he get out of RYM. Suddenly, "new friends'' appeared from nowhere, offering parties, inducing him to resume abandoned drug habits, etc., and slipped him drugs which were strange to him at parties which turned out to be difficult-to-remember but terrifying "rap" sessions.
Over a period of weeks of the new friends and their drug-laced parties and strange "rap sessions," the RYM member underwent a pronounced personality change. At first, it was his old rational self spiced with moments of psychotic episodes of hilarity and rage alternately, during which psychotic periods he became a kind of combined "Holy Roller" and "black ultra-nationalist."
Over a period of less than eight weeks, a solid RYM cadre was degraded into a mindless zombie!
Terror, self-degradation assisted by psychotropic drugs, with the victim's mind taxed to find a way in which to appease the aversive psychological pressures, the sheer terror his exhausted psyche is enduring. The psychotic episodes become more frequent; one day, his mind is gone. He was brainwashed, an agent of the LEAA fascists who have destroyed him.
Needless to say, when the criminals responsible come to their Nuremberg trial, there will be an accounting, as there will also be for every academic, every professional social worker, psychologist, psychiatrist, any judge who plays any part in maintaining any part of this network of criminal behavioral modification practices.
... Especially the Rockefeller family and such fascist degenerates as Jewish fascist Dr. Nathan S. Kline, men whose committed and intended crimes should make the ghost of Adolf Eichmann vomit.
Brainwashing in General
In effective Reesian "Pavlovian'' or "Chinese'' brainwashing, the controllers are usually obliged to avoid directly informing the individual victim what he or she must come to believe. Rather, the aversive situation is intensified, the controller-operator maintains a suggestion of being won over in the future to help the victim escape terrors, and the victim is essentially left to persistently "rework'' his or her biography and belief-system without ever being certain that he or she has finally hit upon exactly the "answers'' that will win over the controller and thus solve the problem of intensifying terror. It's all done by suggestion, a hideous caricature of psychotherapy.
Psychopharmaceuticals are important. Drugs to facilitate the hypnosis used to bring the victim under con-
trol. Drugs for the victim to use daily (''outpatient'') to prevent breakout from controlled compulsion to return to the next treatment-session. Drugs to induce various degrees of disassociation (e.g. psychedelics) and suggestibility. ECT used either to destroy adjacent memories, or employed short of massive convulsion to cause other special effects. Prolixin for general control, etc., etc. They are important to facilitate the crime's accomplishment, and important for the serious damage they accomplish in the victim. Yet, it is not the drugs that accomplish the brainwashing; they merely assist a process which must be essentially understood in entirely non-medical terms.
"Local Community Control''
In a broad sense, as we have already stated, all Reesian methods of social and psychiatric control of the victims are premised on the same essential principles directly encountered in brainwashing as such. Moreover, any Reesian form of social organization will tend to cause mass brainwashing in the members of such a group if the stress applied is sufficient and sufficiently prolonged - the members of the group will effectively brainwash one another, using the term in its strict clinical sense. However, in considering the following examples of Reesian fascist forms of social control, it were more to the point to regard the results achieved upon the victims as merely in the general direction of brainwashing.
Rather than summarize the procedure itself at the outset, and then illustrating the application, we shall develop two illustrations, introducing summary discussion of the procedures along the way, and then summarize general the general case at the conclusion.
First, we shall consider the example of neighborhood "community organizing,'' and then analyze the example of Reesian use of "black nationalist'' ideology.
Organize a group around the identification of a neighborhood group and assign them the task of solving a problem identified as peculiar to people of that neighborhood. Set up the composition of the group and its advisors or source of information such that the group can remain united only if it adopts "actions'' to solve the problem within the constraints and techniques available to forces represented by that neighborhood "committee'' constituted as such a narrow "interest group.'' The "community organizers'' assigned to this counterinsurgency task must not tell the members of the neighborhood group (the dupes) what solution they are intended to adopt (e.g. by the Ford Foundation or the HEW employers of the community organizer), but these ''organizers,'' acting as controllers of the neighborhood
organization will accomplish the intended result by suggestion. Certain clues will be "placed'' where they will be noticed by the group.
The programmed behavioral modification of that neighborhood group is effected by manipulation of city hall, etc., to create a controlled environment. "Accidental" problems with refuse-collection, or some other conveniently-timed small stress will be applied. Meantime, certain doors will be closed and certain other doors will open at municipal offices. A certain friendly channel of influence will turn up.
The problem has been solved. The group now believes that it has discovered an efficient, "democratic'' way to solve local problems, totally unaware of the fact that every part of the little drama was staged. They look at the "community organizer'' vaguely "feeling'' that he has somehow contributed to the happy outcome, but unable to see how his "non-directive'' approach and repeated emphasis on "participatory democracy'' (or some equivalent, hackneyed slogan) could have permitted him to perform such an ''elitist'' role. He is the self-effacing (I'm only an outsider; you have to decide.") friend who "never interferes.'' They do not suspect that they are virtually zombies (at least in the terms of the present arrangement) and he in fact is their controller.
Furthermore, they would absolutely deny that this "friend'' of theirs is aurally a fascist. Yet, he is, even though he might not yet have even suspected it himself. (After all, fascism became a pejorative term after its deeds became manifest. Until the new, Reesian fascism becomes generally recognized as a specific ideology, etc., most of its dupes would be sincerely incredulous at the suggestion of such a name.)
Now, the first little pilot experience complied, ACTION proceeds to the next step. The heat is applied to the neighborhood. The limited forces represented by neighborhood residents participating in the ACTION group are insufficient for this one. A quiet suggestion from the "non-directive'' controller, and passion is applied to getting everyone in the neighborhood out. The same process is repeated.
The LEAA arranges to have a few break-ins and muggings occur over a period of a week or so. By now, the "grey rumor'' network is organized in the apartment buildings of the neighborhood, perhaps through the leading floor activists of the LEAA-promoted ''tenants' patrol." A minor panic is worked up, a march on the local police precinct station arranged, where the LEAA "police community relations'' operative maintains a sober expression (holding down his wish to let out a belly-laugh at the sight of these stupid cattle who are being so beautifully manipulated). "Well, there is the "block-watch" program," either he
or the ACTION community organizer makes known.
The neighborhood still hasn't the slightest sense of reality about the affair to date, and it has already taken the first step to bringing fascism right up to its doorstep. "Gestapo block-watcher? Mrs. Jones? Nonsense!'' Irish, Black, Italian, Jewish, Puerto Rican, neighborhood after neighborhood in New York, Philadelphia, etc., is being transformed into a pack of "good Germans'' through the offices of ACTION and the fascist LEAA.
Little actual violence. Quiet. Slick. No "Nacht und Nebel" yet - until the people on the block face a real problem and try to move seriously against their actual oppressors. "Nice Mrs. Jones'' will then confide to the "police community relations." Mr. Black, who was showing signs of becoming a leader is thus picked out and brainwashed. Also, Mr. Williams, another activist, "claims it's a frame-up, but I heard that ... You never can tell, can you?" Fascism, hideous fascism, creeps in on "democratic community ACTION'' feet.
The Tactic Against the Left
Undoubtedly the most telling example of the potential effectiveness of Reesian methods is the process by which the bulk of today's professedly socialist organizations in the U.S.A. are either outrightly fascist groups or significantly influenced by Reesian fascist groups and ideology.
The so-called Revolutionary Union (R.U.) is the largest and noisiest of the outrightly police-controlled and altogether Reesian fascist groups calling themselves "socialist.'' The RU's current activities are highlighted by direct collusion with the Parkhurst "Overdrive'' organization, a professedly right-wing, union-busting organization modelling its tactics on the right-wing Chilean self-employed truckers, headed by an individual who has been actively engaged in union-busting against Teamsters in particular since the early 1960's. (Parkhurst's abilities are, not miraculously, partially funded by the nation's largest Teamster employers.) RU meanwhile has acquired de facto control of the editorial policies of a formerly pro-soviet publication, the Guardian (the erstwhile National Guardian).
The formerly "Trotskyist'' Socialist Workers Party (SWP) has been taken over by CIA-linked police agencies to the point that its principal public activities are currently exclusively supportive of counterinsurgency projects, including several publicly linked to the LEAA.
A large faction of the mainland branch of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party (the faction nominally headed by Ramon Arbona) has been taken over totally by the LEAA, to the point that the Arbon faction publicly joined with the Hartford organization of the SWP in defense of an overt LEAA police recruiter, Sengali.
Through opportunism (probably assisted by infiltrating agents and brainwashing of some YWLL members), even the Communist Party has overtly allied itself with several notorious CIA operatives since at least late March 1973, the most flagrant and significant case being that of Ed Schwartz, former leader of the National Student Association.
The largest of the classic sort of professedly socialist "swamp" groups, the New American Movement (NAM), is riddled with known counterinsurgency operatives, and devotes itself (not accidentally) to pushing Alinsky-type "projects" focused upon organized labor and other targets.
Exemplary of this state of affairs, most of the professedly socialist organizations, including the more notable cases listed, violently defend such open CIA-LEAA "movements" as the Rees-designed Kawaida NewArk organization of Rees-created zombie Imamu Baraka (Leroi Jones). To leave no doubt who is behind them, since the first of January there has been a most remarkable coincidence in timing and content in attacks on the Labor Committees by these groups at the same time that that exact new line and content of attack is being initiated by the LEAA and FBI!
This Reesian fascist takeover of most Left organizations in the U.S.A. began with the New Left's "radical action projects," as typified by the Tom Hayden-led Alinsky-model organizing in Newark (pre-1967). Increasing OEO and Ford Foundation penetration and control of organized ferment among ghetto and student strata confronted the existing socialist organizations of the middle 1960's with a Reesian-type controlled environment. Their eagerness to recruit from such ferment confronted them with strong pressures to adapt.
The SWP Case
The case of the SWP is the clearest illustration, an especially appropriate one, since the SWP was, after the CPUSA, the only significant so-called "Old Left" organization left over from the 1930's during the early 1960's.
The collapse of the SWP's attempted united fronts with the CP (the 1957-59 "regroupment" tactic), and the ebb in the SWP's recruiting prospects from the Civil Rights and Cuban Revolution upsurges of the turn of the decade, produced a cannibalistic orgy of cliquist frenzy within the group over the Winter and Spring of 1961, after which the organization slid into demoralization for over a year.
Following that period, the SWP leadership entered into support of a "reunification" between most of the supporters of its international faction (the self-styled
International Committee) and the opposing faction (the self-styled International Secretariat), the factions which had split the old Fourth International during the 1953-54 period. This "unification," accomplished over the 1962-63 period (to the inevitable accompaniment of new splits from each of the unifying factions), introduced the SWP to its initial dosage of Reesian ideology through the influence of Belgian La Gauche editor Ernest Mandel. Mandel, spokesman for the reunification faction of the International Secretariat, had adapted his politics to the Reesian ideology through the influence of a notorious figure, Renard. Renard, now happily deceased, a classic counterinsurgency agent of the British type, attempted (with modest success) to wreck the Belgian working-class movement along communalist lines in the wake of the 1960 Belgian General Strike.
By the Summer of 1963, the SWP itself had adopted the first dosage of Reesian ideology on its own account, principally through the sportsmanship of a Detroit-based, embittered old "proletarian" activist, George Breitman.
Breitman, finding himself situated in the midst of a massive counterinsurgency project figure-headed by the Reverend Cleage, adapted to the extent one might have expected had he been clinically brainwashed. That is, he produced a psychoneurotic's modification of the classic "Trotskyist" belief-system, a profound attitude change approximately 120 degrees away from the traditional SWP policy on the class struggle. The core of this was his proposing an almost wholly uncritical support of Reverend Cleage's counterinsurgency movement, and a Reesian attitude toward "black nationalism." Speaking generally, if an "old Trotskyist trade-union activist" had been clinically brainwashed by present-day LEAA methods to support Reesian counterinsurgency ghetto projects, the victim would have produced more or less exactly the result manifest in Breitman's 1963 resolution.
It is fruitless to speculate now on the question whether or not Breitman was or was not brainwashed over the Winter of 1963. Given the identity-crisis and related stresses upon him at that time, the situation itself would have sufficed to produce such a fundamental modification in his "belief structure." Brainwashing was developed by Rees as a deliberate exploitation of the kinds of psychopathological personality changes classically associated with "battle neurosis." In that respect, brainwashing replicates among a larger number of people what might have occurred "accidentally" among a relatively tiny number of persons.
More the same point is obtained from the fact that Breitman's proposal was adopted by the SWP'S 1963 convention. Certainly, the majority of those delegates were not clinically brainwashed. Rather, as a small
group (the SWP had only several hundred members at that time), the organization was being subsided to the same sort of manipulation as a whole as we outlined for the case of the ACTION-sponsored neighborhood group. A small group, for which membership identity already existed, which had been demoralized over the Winter- Spring 1961 period, lacking the least perspective of actual socialist or even mass-labor struggles, was confronted with the problem of obtaining the material essentials of its existence per se (members, money, prestige) within its tactical resources as a small group in a manipulated environment. Breitman's "de facto brainwashee's" profession of new attitudes corresponded to the potential clinical disorientation of a majority of SWP members.
During the 1963-64 period, the SWP and its youth affiliate, the YSA maintained its hand-to-mouth organizational existence largely in a milieu controlled by the Office of Economic Opportunity (e.g., Lower East Side "Mobilization for Youth"). Its conditioning thus proceeded, pushing it deeper into proto-Reesian ideology from the starting-point articulated by Breitman.
The next qualitative degeneration of the SWP was accomplished on the initiatives of agent Jack Barnes. Barnes, who never showed the slightest inclination of capacity for articulating a political or any other theoretical conception , had been a fast-rising young huckster within the YSA, attaining de facto leadership of the youth group by late 1964. Over the Winter of 1964-65, after almost six months of stagnation of SWP-YSA gate-receipts , Barnes returned from a national tour with a proposal to plunge into the SDS-sponsored anti-war protest project.
Barnes did not merely propose engagement in that project, he proposed adaptation to the counterinsurgency aspects of SDS ideology, touring to indoctrinate SWP and YSA members in employment of "nondirective" adaptations to the principles of "participatory democracy," etc.
The first anti-war project Barnes led was the calculated splitting of the SDS anti-war formation, pandering to New Left anti-CP ideology to accomplish this. Thereafter, appropriate doors magically becoming open to the SWP-YSA during the ensuing period, Barnes et al. performed a key role in policing the anti-war movement - with an alternately hot and cold role in including and excluding the CP forces. So, with the help of others, the SWP made the anti-war movement what the CIA intended it to become: i.e., a "countergang" operation against potential pro-socialist political ferment. Essentially, this meant using the prospect of "new forces" to the political right to become a lever of pulling the entire anti-war left itself to the right.
The principal sources of new recruits to the anti-war movement and the SWP-YSA were "community-action"-oriented "constituency" movements and New Left campus youth were thus reinforced in their tendency to adapt to OEO and Ford Foundation-sponsored "constituency" political movements.
(This is not the location in which to detail the various counterinsurgency ins and outs of the anti-war movement as a whole - e.g., the interplay among the SWP-linked right-wing, the anarchist factions, the CP forces in between, and the small socialist grouplets scuttling ineffectually around the fringes of each of these three.)
The measure and testing of this process of counterinsurgency conditioning of the SWP (and many other Left groups) occurred throughout the Summer and Fall of 1968. The 1968 New York City Teachers' Strike was the point of inflection at which the SWP-YSA rapidly lost its vestigial connections to socialism, and proceeded, rather rapidly, to become the fascist organization it is today.
The collusion of the Ford Foundation, the Office of Economic Opportunity, and New York's Mayor John Lindsay, in setting up the 1968 Teachers' Strike can be regarded as one of the decisive national events of the past quarter century. In short, it represented the first of a series of efforts to weaken and break the organized labor movement with the aid of fascist organizations ... with most of the existing Left organizations in the city opportunistically duping themselves into supporting such a fascist action.
The NCLC Case
It does not follow from the SWP's case that Reesian methods necessarily succeed. The NCLC'S hegemony in the U .S. socialist movement today proves the point to be made. The Labor Committees, which were initiated in a preliminary fashion in mid-1966 and founded on the eve of the 1968 Columbia University strike, have had a rate of growth in numbers and influence which is absolutely spectacular when contrasted with the expansion of the SWP-YSA or CPUSA-YWLL, or the collapse of the Progressive Labor Party (PLP) over the same period. In point of fact, the SWP had the same alternative mode of success available to it as the NCLC has enjoyed, even a decade before the Labor Committees themselves were actually formed. There was therefore nothing in the circumstances of the SWP or the limits of human capacity which justified the SWP degeneration into the fascist organization it has become today.
The same particular point can be made emphatically with respect to the 1968 Teachers' Strike. The Labor Committees led a counterattack against McGeorge
Bundy's Reesian fascist organization which significantly sabotaged certain intended gains of the Ford Foundation's efforts (thereby becoming the only well-known U.S. socialist organization which does not have an ugly history of strike-breaking and union-busting on its record). Our organization's present moral strength and consequent accomplishments flow rather directly from the strengthening of the moral and intellectual qualities of its cadres during the 1968 period.
In general, a parallel observation can be made with respect to the February fascist atrocities of Parkhurst & Company. The same Left organizations (and more added) which supported the fascist strike-breaking effort against the teachers in 1968 rallied around the rump of counterinsurgency, union-busting operative Parkhurst.
(Even the fact that Parkhurst motivated the "strike" as modelled upon the successful efforts to organize a bloody counterrevolution against Chilean President Allende did not deter some CPers from enthusiastically supporting that known government agent in a fascist action.)
The contrast between the Labor Committees and other professedly socialist U.S. groups on such issues underline the central principle of Reesian fascism and brainwashing. Rees and Lewin premised their model of Anglo-American fascism not only upon studies of successful Nazi models, but on the improvements in effectiveness of those models which could be realized (in Rockefellers' behalf) through expert exploitation of the psychoneurotic susceptibilities of the intended victim.
It is not necessary, Rees and Lewin emphasize, to impose fascism essentially by police force. Gestapo terror is only a necessary subordinate feature of the Rockefeller program. By structuring the situation, chiefly by inducing the victims to base their self-interests and identities in impotently small constituency groupings, the application of controlled aversive environments and "token economy" rewards can induce the victims to develop self-policing fascist ideals and attitudes on the basis of their own psychoneurotic ego-ideals.
The individuals and groups which reject the very notion of constituency (e.g., "nationalism," "community") and locate their self-interests and identities as world-historical members of a world-wide working class, have to that extent located their identity in a different sort of non-neurotic ego-ideal. They can be individually broken by sufficient terror, but they cannot be induced to corrupt and betray themselves into fascist roles by Reesian methods of group manipulation.
Objectively, the black American is far less "African" than the third or fourth generation descendants of
French, Italian, German, or Irish immigrants are "European." The black American has four hundred years of the development of an advanced industrial society's culture in his bones and blood, and thus is far, far closer to Western Europe in his cultural tendencies than to any sector of Black Africa.
Hence, any form of Black Nationalism represents the product of social or psychological pathology. It makes no sense either from the four-hundred year history of the black American population or the tactical advantage of those citizens.
However. . .
At the first blush of conscious counterinsurgency in the ranks of the U.S. ruling class, a hideous social pathology was imposed upon the black American: Jim Crow. More or less consciously adapting the implicit fascism of the papal corporativist doctrine, through the Democratic Party the ruling circles intervened in the Populist movement to block efforts to transform the movement into a labor party, and simultaneously to institute the racialist doctrine of Jim Crow. This was not a product of unbroken slavery traditions, as some uninformed people "explain," nor was it an outgrowth of the 1877 counter-Reconstruction turn, as at least one loudmouthed ignorant spokesman for the SWP alleges. It was a specific counterinsurgency tactic of the 1890's and early 1900's.
The chief agent of the racists within the black leadership of that period was the infamous Booker T. Washington, the black-faced spokesman of the capitalists' plan to "keep the niggers in their place." (As for that other "hero" of Ford Foundation liturgy, Marcus Garvey, it is sufficient to directly compare his activities with those of his Italian soul-brother, Ponzi of East Boston, to properly place him among that special breed of 1920's confidence-men who gained money and prestige by swindling the most oppressed masses of urban culture in that period.)
However. . .
Retroactively, Jim Crow was a Reesian tactic. This is not accidental or otherwise miraculous. Jim Crow was invented by the British colonial office, set forth with a considerable degree of refinement in British Quebec policy of the 1790's, and elaborated in appropriate fashion in India during the immediately ensuing period. Jim Crow, in all its "community action" equivalent forms , was the essence of developing British policy for its colonial subjects in Africa and Asia - and reapplied, in the CIA-assisted sponsorship of Forbes Burnham in Guyana, to eliminate the socialist-led national independence of that small country.
Jim Crow placed the black citizens of the USA in a Reesian-type controlled environment (segregation), with
the resulting de facto brainwashing symptomized by the psychoneurosis of "shuffling."
With respect to the given segregation, black nationalism was the furthest point of advance of the resulting mass psychoneurotic reaction formation, especially among those lumpenized strata upon which the stress was most cruelly imposed by the three P's of poverty, police, and pimps.
To the revolutionary, black nationalism is not a formal question but a practical question. In short, what does one do about it?
The black nationalists, as victimized human beings, must be practically approached as one would approach any other group of workers suffering the neurotic's reaction formations arising from the conditions imposed upon them. One must support the person(s) to the end of freeing them from their neurosis. However, to rid the mass of victims of a neurosis of the mental disorder, it is necessary to remove the material conditions which cause the sickness. To eliminate black nationalism it is necessary to eliminate the ghetto. Not merely segregation in housing and schools, etc., but segregation in terms of human rights as expressed through organized movements of working people.
The cleverest and most vicious racist trick to play upon black nationalists is to support black nationalism, to support the person on the condition that he self-perpetuate his segregation. That is precisely the trick proposed by the viciously anti-black Rees. That is an example of the Reesian methods of brainwashing and fascist social control. Find the psychoneurotic weak points in the intended victim and play upon those weaknesses to produce the brainwashing. Situate the victim such that those weaknesses will tend to be most activated, using "token economy" methods of rewards (conditioning) to make self-destructive neurotic impulses appear to be those of survival. (In one known case, the formulation was used [on] the brainwash victim by his tormentors: See, this is the way niggers know how to survive in the jungle.)
Historically, black nationalism has appeared as a tendency among the most-oppressed strata of lumpenized black ghetto victims, for obvious reasons. Its appearance from among those strata is hence more or less "natural" and does represent (as against fragmentation) a positive thrust within the context of segregation. On such premises, the revolutionary will properly support the working-class struggles of black nationalists without supporting black nationalism as such. To the extent that black nationalism is associated with mass-organization (not "community" organization), with literacy, and a general breaking-away from lumpenized asocial and anti-social habits, the psychological aspect of the positive side of the black nationalist reaction formation
is expressed. The revolutionary treats those positive results as progress toward working-class unity among specifically black and other formations of the class struggle.
However, this does not mean that the revolutionary therefore proposes that capitalism's black victims pass through the phase of black nationalism. The revolutionary is obliged to provide the potential black revolutionary with a direct, non-neurotic means for freedom from the oppression (and oppressed personal state of being). There is a qualitative difference between the two approaches. The former, aptly termed Crow-Jim, is poorly disguised racism.
Strangely - or, perhaps not so strangely, after all - in the period following the assassination of Malcolm X, black nationalism broke out among the petit-bourgeois educated strata of the Civil Rights movement. In effect, the petit-bourgeois spokesmen of those organizations funded by counterinsurgency conduits entered the process of herding black workers and lumpens into not the Nation of Islam or a Malcolm X-type mass movement scheme (i.e., not a Panther-type organization), but into "projects" of an exactly counterinsurgency form.
The publication of the resolution of the Triple Revolution Committee, and the adoption of its silly ideology by the new rash of petit-bourgeois-led "black constituency" groups confirmed suspicions concerning the actual origins of the new rash of such converts to black nationalism. The new CIA-conduit sponsored black "nationalists" (more accurately, black small-communitarians) adopted a fascist economic policy ("post-industrial society"), a social philosophy of recycling of "resources" (e.g., Brazilian model). The kind of black "nationalism" introduced by the Stokeley Carmichaels and other subsidized petit-bourgeois community organizers" was nothing but - it is now retrospectively clear - Reesian fascism, black ghetto version.
Since approximately 1967, the funded spread of the fascist "black communitarianism" has coincided with the rapid growth of clinical brainwashing directed chiefly against black ghetto victims (other ethnic oppressed minorities and radical youth generally a far second), with the black community organizations themselves contributing an increasing portion of their resources and efforts to this criminal practice. Using prisons as the initial place of creating cadres of brainwashed zombies to be released into black ghetto communities, and working through local "community medical" and drug-therapy facilities in particular, brainwashing today is spreading through black ghettoes like a plague, each new batch of victims making possible the establishment of new "training" "attack therapy" groups to be used in brainwashing new victims.
The massive brainwashing of black ghetto youth occurs as a by-product of now-classical British models of counterinsurgency operations, conducted principally by the LEAA with assistance from the CIA-LEAA controlled FBI.
This operation began about 1966, with the initiation of the Gestapo-like LEAA through CIA operative McGeorge Bundy. To the present day, Bundy's Ford Foundation has continued as the chief private conduit for direction and development of LEAA policies and pilot operations. At about the same time, CIA control of the Chicago super-gang, the Black P. Stone Rangers, through Saul Alinsky and related "community organizer" training and brainwashing conduits, was converted rapidly into a base of operations for CIA-controlled ghetto youth-gang organizing - a classical British intelligence counterinsurgency tactic since the immediate post-war Mountbatten-directed operations in such places as Malaysia. 
Later, through Ford Foundation, Alinsky, LEAA and allied undercover operations, a "community control of the police" demagogic project was pushed through "radical organizer" agents at the same time that the LEAA, pushing a model developed under Ree's personal supervision (!), were proposing the Gestapo system of "auxiliary police," "townwatchers," "blockwatchers," not accidentally along essentially the same lines of design as the CIA's "Vietnam Hamlet" and "Operation Phoenix" models.
Through such a massive LEAA-controlled Gestapo-imitating penetration of the ghettos, with the help of some NAACP branches, the Socialist Workers Party, etc., the ghettos were efficiently turned into a controlled environment, in which there was no longer any possibility for a hiding-place from the massive system of LEAA para-police forces and informers. Only the Gestapo's block informer system in Nazi Germany can be directly compared with these features of the LEAA's "community relations" and "high impact crime area" operations.
With illegal LEAA terror thus able to seize him (and even capriciously murder him) with impunity in the ghetto, and FBI assistance in herding the selected victim of black nationalism" back to his "native ghetto jungle" if he attempts to move away from it, most black ghetto youth today have no hope of escaping brainwashing - unless the criminals of the New York Times, the criminals of the liberal community generally, and the criminals of most of the U.S. left, stop covering up the LEAA's systematic terrorizing and brainwashing of those victims in the name of "local community control."
These Rockefeller-sponsored fascist methods of social control and brainwashing are the outcome of Rees's World War II period proposal to mobilize the psychiatric and psychologist professions to accomplish the specific main purposes we have already cited. (1) Generally place psychiatric skills and knowledge at the disposal of governmental and industrial authorities for the principal purpose of giving assistance in the control of subject populations. (2) Massively concentrate on discovering those psychoneurotic susceptibilities of the subject populations by which they can be manipulated into fascist forms of organization which are "improvements" upon the crude pragmatism of Mussolini and Nazi models. (3) Increase the employment of psychiatrists in "community health'' social services programs, through which to administer "therapeutic'' pacification of the population in its communities, with or without the consent of the victims.
The literature of the Reesians emphasizes three lines of psychiatric knowledge deemed most useful to the fascist ends Rockefeller desires. (1) The example of "war neurosis'' as a model for developing sophisticated methods of inducing desired forms of neurotic and psychotic states in both individuals (brainwashing) and controlled groups. (2) The use of the basic neurotic mechanism of mother-image domination and "mother's fears'' as the key to the dynamic approach to stress-induced neurotic or psychotic forms of "belief system'' modification and "attitude change." (3) The concentration of psychological terror in "attack therapy'' itself upon those particular forms of "anal fears'' identified as characteristic of each national-cultural grouping.
The general applicability of each of these aspects of the approach to the fascist result can be summarily described as follows.
"War Neurosis." Under the strain of what appears to be "infinitely extended" pain or stress , the victim tends to make the unendurable tolerable by what can be broadly termed disassociation. The mind retreats, by one trick or another, from knowledge of the stress or gain which it regards as otherwise unendurable. (Psychotropic types of pain-ameliorating drugs work on this principle.)
The primary neurotic mechanism for so disassociating the victim's self-awareness from the stress is reaction formation. This is crudely illustrated for our present purposes by reference to what might be termed the "Bettelheim syndrome," the common experience from the inmate of the Nazi concentration camp in which the victim of psychological stress identified with the SS guards. For example, a brainwashed ex-socialist whose induced psychotic state has been brought on through terror of illegal police action will reflect this terror as a
psychotic's reaction formation by telephoning the police or FBI (or both) for rescue from the company of his or her former comrades! (In fact, such appeals to police agencies are among the most conclusive clinical proofs that the induced psychotic state is - in the USA - LEAA-performed or directed brainwashing.)
In this induced state, the individual's developed sense of identity is in effect "turned off'' and a pseudo-identity is formed. The time required for brainwashing an individual is determined by the lapsed time required, in that particular case for the particular program used, to accumulate a nest of individual reaction-formations to the point that a pseudo-identity based on such a nested system leaps into bring. Up to that point, the effect of brainwashing will be essentially an increasing number of reaction-formation-type disturbances. These may be manifest or semi-repressed; as the brainwashed state approaches, through successive treatments, the restiveness of repressed reaction-formations bursts out as a complete system of pseudo-identity.
In the use of "genetically-allied'' methods for behavioral modification and attitude change among small groups (all "small-group'' sociologists are suspect until proven otherwise - for the strongest prima facie reasons), it is the shared reaction formation trait among the members of the group which makes the induced behavioral response mutually reinforcing without the need for individual brainwashing per se to accomplish that control. In all instances, individual brainwashing or Reesian "small group'' control, the essential method employed is measured use of the techniques adduced from clinical studies of the inducing of "war neurosis'' among victims.
Mother's Fears. The essential psychoneurotic susceptibility upon which all Reesian fascist methods play most emphatically is the direct correspondence between an infantile intensification of mother's fears  and the victim's increased proclivity to locate his social identity in immediate small-group surrogates for a mother-centered "family.''
Ironically, unless the victim's actual mother is a psychotic or vicious psychopath, the result of behavioral modification brainwashing programs must be to break off active relations with the natural mother. The control of the brainwashed individual's personality (the pseudo-identity) is not located in the relationship to the natural mother, but in the dependency upon a fictitious "mother who is not a mother'' - the Old Lady of Langley. This pseudo-mother is a modified version of the mother-image of the victim's pre-brainwashed state, a witch-figure made more horrible than that of the worst nightmare images of most ordinary mere neurotics. 
Anal Fears. The Tavistock studies of the Nazi SS by Dicks and others  located the most important of the
operating neurotic fears unwittingly exploited by the SS system as the type of anal fears most common in German culture. The post-war British and U.S. administration of occupied and post-occupation West Germany was increasingly premised upon the Tavistock designs for playing upon those neurotic susceptibilities of Germans. Similar studies were made of the French ideology's preoccupations with anal fears. Etc.
There is no doubt of the clinical competence of the Tavistock researches in this respect. Independent clinical work by the Labor Committees confirms both that anal-related fears are among the most fundamental to be overcome by the individual, and that the dynamic forms of these fears to tend to vary significantly among so- called national cultures and their sub-cultures. Anal fears are not only explicable most intense among U.S. blacks (who are certainly often enough treated like shit by both the society generally and the black ghetto community itself), but the inhuman monsters of U.S. behavioral modification programs have spared no effect to play upon those fears in the "nigger in the jungle'' themes of brainwashing directed against black ghetto youth.
In short, it is the Tavistock fascists' concentration upon the fears associated with the pseudo-mother within the neurotic victim, and playing upon anal psychological fears most emphatically, which is the main thrust of the brainwasher's "attack therapy'' within the police-created aversive controlled environment. In this matter, there is only a difference of degree between the specific qualitative result known as brainwashing and the ideological molding of the imminently or actually fascist "local community control.''
6. THE CIA ESTABLISHMENT AS A NAZI S.S.
The Rockefeller-dominated CIA establishment we have outlined here is a creation of the Tavistock Institute, under the direction of Brigadier Dr. John Rawlings Rees. It is not accidental that the emerging result of a quarter-century's development of this establishment coincides so exactly with the shape of the Nazi SS was assuming during the last years of the Hitler regime. Rees et al. consciously adopted the SS as their reference model for constructor of the presently emerging Anglo-American Rockefeller brand Mark II version.
The principal features to be noted for immediate comparison of the two models, the Nazi Mark I and Rockefeller Mark II are as follows:
(1) Anti-collectivism: cultural relativism counterposition of the distinct "natural'' belief system and properly autonomous self-interests of the small com-
munity group to any "elitist'' effort to "superimpose" a common material and class interest upon the masses, i.e., the fascist sociological practice and ideology of "local community control."
(2) ''Back To Nature": Rejection of an industrial development-correlated expansion of the material conditions of life in favor of a ''Volksgemeinschaft'' return to the "natural, good way of life'' of the small village of our "urban stress-free'' forefathers (e.g., the fascist ideology of ''post-industrial society").
(3) Replacement of the Wehrmacht by the Waffen SS: The "Special Forces'' takeover of regular military operations and organization.
(4) The SS As a Flexible Response Force (e.g. Waffen SS, SD Gestapo) subsuming the tasks of political administration and economic management.
(5) Mobilization for Clean-cut Disciplined, Elite Force to Replace "Corruption-Ridden" Elective Agencies (Presidency, Congress, etc.) and ''Corrupt" Traditional Police Forces: This is, of course, the classical fascist rationale for police-state rule.
Most of the apparatus Rockefeller has developed to accomplish this fascist takeover of the United Kingdom and North America is in place, virtually prepared to take over. In both the USA and Great Britain, the nominal potential major force of resistance to fascism, the organized labor movement, is not only demoralized by such antics as Phases I, II, III, and IV, but the majority of trade-union leaders is firmly entrenched inside Rockefeller's fascist establishment, as the result of the successful conduct of the "Cold War'' witch-hunt conducted in this country.
Reality, as objectively expressed by the masses of working people and their self-interests, and the fact that the masses of others also do not wish to be subject to
fascism, must be asserted. The Labor Committees, as the only conscious force in North America thus far aware of the truth of the situation, provide this objective, potential reality of the masses its only available means for conscious self-organization and self-expression. If the Labor Committees succeed in performing that role, Rockefeller's plot is doomed and humanity saved. If the Labor Committees are crushed, that critical, if seemingly small event, is the appropriate moment for the rest of humanity to shoot itself: if we are crushed there will be no human race during the remaining last decades of the present century.
The Rockefeller fascist CIA establishment is no myth. It is a hideous reality, which if faced as reality, can be wiped off the face of the earth. If that reality is not faced, and soon, everything else you do, everything you aspire to, every hope of human happiness, every hope for your children, is all stinking dishwater. It is the Rockefeller family or you; there is no sane Third Camp.
It is not really to be considered remarkable that the Labor Committees are the first, and so far the only organization to either recognize the current world situation or to competently assess the mechanisms and antidotes respecting Reesian psychodynamics. The essential distinction between a psychoneurotic and sane individual under capitalism is the distinction between the diseased class-in-itself ideology of the worker as a willing, if sometimes militant capitalist subject, and the class-for-itself outlook of the same revolutionary.  It is the Labor Committees' self-organization around the class-for-itself outlook, the location of personal identity in that outlook, which has both given our organization the unusual power to reject and resist Reesian tactics and to develop that overview in the realm of sanity from which vantage-point to analyze the Reesian outlook (and the general class-in-itself outlook) for the insanity it represents in its victims.
Notes & References
Rev A - re-read article with "fresh eyes" and corrected numerous small errors.
[According to a note at the end of this article in the Campaigner, the footnotes were to be included in the following issue, but I could not find them there or in the next few issues. xscriber]
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