The Destruction of the Cognitive Powers of Labor
by Ed Spannaus
from the March 1975 edition of The
Campaigner (10.7 MB PDF image file)
page numbers from source included to facilitate verification
The inefficiency of slave labor is well known throughout history. Those who were given the responsibility of studying the original Nazi economy during and immediately after World War II were acutely aware that this been the case for the German fascist economy. While they had long admired the "genius" of Nazi Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht in transforming depression-wracked Germany into a profitable, full-employment enterprise, they hoped it would be possible to salvage what they regarded as the positive features of Nazi economic and social organization while discarding the more overtly distasteful elements such as the hooligan SS police apparatus.
It was not that these gentlemen had any moral qualms about the more odious features of the Nazi regime. After all, they would argue, things could be worse; look at Soviet Russia. It is just that coercion is so damned inefficient, especially when the coercion is so flagrant, as it was under the Nazis.
So over the ensuing years, these planners and social engineers devoted their best efforts to designing and testing new social forms which would preserve the most useful aspects of the German experiment but at the same time appear perfectly tolerable and acceptable to the subjected populations. Thus, in government and academic circles radiating outward from the Tavistock Institute of London, was created "fascism with a democratic face."
I. Beyond Schacht
The effects of Schachtian economics upon the productivity of the work force are well understood or at least should be. The Nazi economy suffered a series of threatened breakdowns due to the continuous depletion of labor power, as living standards declined and conditions of work intensified. Likewise, the Brazilian economy today has reached the limits of its expansion, failing an influx of skilled laborers from outside the
country; its working class has been so brutally recycled and beaten down that Brazil faces a severe shortage of skilled labor.
This is one aspect of Rockefeller's dilemma. His New Order requires that Schachtian economic methods be implemented to the far corners of the earth, yet at least his better informed advisors know that any attempt to implement such policies over an extended period of time must lead to a breakdown of the labor force.
There has also been no dearth of studies of the Nazi concentration camp system. While the camps were models of thorough organization, the productivity of prisoners was by no means outstanding. Says a former Buchenwald inmate in a report prepared under the direction of the Psychological Warfare Division of SHAEF:
Insofar as the SS with its limited forces was able to do so, labor was rigidly supervised. But of course the Detail leaders and Prisoner Foremen could not be everywhere at once. As a result the universal policy among prisoners was to reduce work and output to the absolute minimum once there was no supervision. The main thing was to "work with the eyes...."
In the peat-bog details of the moor camps it was possible to set a fixed output quota, but in most of the camps the nature of the work made that impossible and output remained at an irreducible minimum. In the construction, excavation, drainage, and water - main details entire columns stood stock still when there was no supervision, only to fall in at a mad pace as soon as the warning sounded.
The SS system of slavery was a liberal education in how to shirk work. A rational labor system, using incentives and humane treatment, might well have achieved two or three times the actual output, with one-fifth of the labor force. 
"Incentives and humane treatment." The same point was developed more thoroughly by Kurt Lewin, a German Jewish refugee who had been brought to the United States by the Rockefeller family. Lewin, already familiar with the Taylorism schemes of the 1920s, had engaged in a number of experiments using "autocratic" and "democratic" leadership in small groups. By 1939 he had also begun to apply his findings to the problems of increasing labor productivity, and was pleased to find that "democratic" methods in the work-place resulted in higher labor output. After serving a stint in the newly-created American psychological warfare department, the OSS, Lewin and his followers founded a number of institutions devoted to perfecting the means by which "democratic" forms could be utilized to effectively brainwash masses of working people into policing their own speedup.
In brief, Rockefeller's problem was this: Open coercion is of limited effectiveness in increasing the output of workers. In the short term, to be sure, the SS system
of terror frequently induced workers to push themselves to the point of physical exhaustion and beyond, so that hundreds of thousands of workers in the concentration camps or the factories adjoining the camps were worked to death or were so depleted that they were exterminated once their usefulness to the capitalists had ended.
But open and naked coercion is not the only way of inducing workers to work harder, as Lewin and others had observed, and it is not necessarily the most effective way either. Could not situations be so structured that workers would speed themselves up under conditions which appear to be non-coercive? Would it be possible to create a non-coercive fascism - or a form of fascism which would at least appear that way to the credulous?
The Rockefeller-financed fascist planners of the Tavistock nexus concluded that it was possible to create fascism from above, that they could bypass the need for a fascist political revolution by superimposing "democratic fascist" ideology and practices on top of Schachtian economic forms. In short, they concluded that they would attempt to apply their psychological-warfare experience to brainwashing and manipulating the working class so that workers would intensify their own labor far beyond the levels which could be attained by the boot of a sadistic SS guard.
Numerous phenomena observed under the Nazi regime encouraged the Tavistock planners that it would indeed be possible to mask the more coercive measures necessary and to thereby induce workers to speed themselves up to raise output under labor-intensive conditions.
First, it was observed with a great deal of interest that in the concentration camps a relatively small number of SS guards were able to control ten or twenty thousand prisoners. A system of prisoner self-administration had grown up, largely fostered by the Nazis but developed even further by prisoners themselves. This was similar to the Judenrat system in the Jewish ghettoes.
Secondly, it was observed that many prisoners manifested child-like submissiveness, even adoration, toward their SS tormenters. Some prisoners adopted the most brutal and sadistic characteristics of the guards Others simply labored exceptionally hard to please their SS masters.
Third, there was massive, widespread evidence of self-delusion among Jews and the German people generally as to the true nature of the Nazi regime. Organized revolt or even individual resistance to the extermination of Jews was negligible; in the overwhelming majority of cases, Jews and others who were destined for the extermination camps and the gas ovens not only refused to believe what was happening, but at the final moment thousands even appeared to cooperate
with the executioners. There are countless tales of situations where an escapee from the "resettlement" convoys would warn a Jewish village of what awaited them at the end of the train ride, only to be regarded as a demented intruder who was disturbing the everyday routine of business and family life. What this suggested was that under normal circumstances people would hysterically deny the existence of the most atrocious and coercive conditions as long as they had any excuse whatsoever. The lesson to be learned from this was that it should be a relatively simple matter to suitably mask the more "undemocratic" features of a fascist conspiracy so that a credulous population would accept and tolerate the New Order. As for the more political elements, other methods could be found to eliminate or neutralize their influence.
Therefore in 1946 the new Reichsfuehrer SS, Brigadier John Rawlings Rees, offered his entire Tavistock operation to Rockefeller. Using their studies of Nazi society, and borrowing liberally from it, Rees and his "conspiracy of the psychiatrists" went forward to create a 1984 world of zombified slave labor.
Rockefeller made one miscalculation. He thought he had hired the best social scientists and psychiatrists that money could buy but his recently-hired new breed of Nazi Doctors had one shortcoming: they didn't understand how the human mind works.
Nevertheless, they were able to convince their new boss of what he wished to believe: that it would be possible to use their perverted applications of psychoanalysis and social psychology to create a work force of self-motivated, self-sped-up laborers, who would "democratically" make decisions about how to cut their own throats. Viewing men as nothing more than super-machines, Rees and his colleagues thought it would be possible to brainwash the working class into submission and create a race of self-policing, self- motivating, mindless workhorses.
It can't work. It is impossible to induce psychotic states among workers without destroying their minds, and thereby destroying their ability to function as skilled workers.
Workers are not machines. To destroy a worker's ability and potential to approach the world rationally and scientifically, and to act upon that knowledge, is to destroy him as a worker. To destroy the ability to conceptualize the world is to destroy the ability to conceptualize and assimilate the applications of technology. To destroy the higher cognitive powers of mind is to destroy the essence of the working class itself.
As we will see below, this is exactly what the consequences must be of attempts to apply Rees-Lewln-Trist brainwashing methods to the industrial working class. To pose the question hypothetically, even if Rockefeller's "restructured," labor-intensive New
World Order were not to lead to ecological holocaust, the economy would have to collapse because of the destruction of the cognitive powers of labor. After a certain period of "successful" application of industrial brainwashing methods to the working class, the working class would be transformed into a mass of psychotic zombies, psychologically so brutalized and bestialized that the labor process itself would necessarily collapse.
What is Paranoia?
All brainwashing plays upon the individual's susceptibility to be reduced to a state of infantile paranoia. This suggests that brainwashing, particularly of the "soft" variety (as compared to "Clockwork Orange"- style clinical hard brainwashing) is more a matter of utilizing predispositions already existing within the individual, rather than imposing some alien belief structure by strictly external means.
The world of the infant, as discussed in the "New Psychoanalysis" series in this journal  is a world in which the infant's utter dependence on the adults around him produces a state of literal paranoia. To him the world beyond the mother and secondarily the immediate family is a mysterious and treacherous place. The infant's time-span or time-perspective is virtually non-existent; the immediate gratification of social-biological needs, the immediate warmth and security of the mother, are the exclusive concerns of the infantile mind. If the child feels rejected by the mother because of real or imagined withdrawal, enormous terror and internal rage build up. If this state is not satisfactorily resolved, the internal terror and rage can become a permanent store of guilt and magical thinking about this rage and its consequences; this can be internalized as guilt (depression), or on the more primitive level terror and guilt are projected on others (paranoia).
As the individual matures and is socialized, he becomes increasingly capable of deferring the immediate gratification of "security" needs in favor of longer-term goals and activities; he explores and studies the world around him, and to a greater or lesser extent gauges his behavior against socially-defined reality. The maturing individual assimilates certain "ego-ideals" which define for him appropriate modes of conduct and objectives; in the typical member of our society activity is governed by a more-or-less hierarchal assembly of ego-ideals, otherwise termed collectively the "superego."
But the superego, even in its limited definition above, is by no means the exclusive governor of thoughts and actions. The early infantile forces are still ever-present, always eager for the chance to lure the individual back to the imagined warmth of the
mother-image, to sabotage the individual's attempts to act rationally upon external reality by summoning up the mother-witch to warn of the perils and horrors of the "outside world." So the typical individual is constantly torn between the pulls and the threats of the fantasy-world of the infantile ego and the "id" on the one hand, and the superego's demands that he function maturely and rationally with respect to external reality on the other.
The normal member of capitalist society appears to function rationally a good deal of the time; but the forces which govern his rationality can still be neurotic. To the extent that the ego-ideals operate as the externalized authority of others, and the individual defines rationality as behavior which is accomplished by the propitiation of such authorities (employers, academic "authorities," "experts," etc.) the apparent rationality of the individual is easily undermined and destroyed as the authority of the external ego-ideal is destroyed.
Many workers can identify this process by locating the confusion and insecurity they felt when they realized that their "authorities" were being demolished by the social and political chaos which accompany the depression. The brainwashers, however, deliberately create such dislocation. This is the fundamental principle of all psychological warfare, which was well understood by the Nazi SS in the concentration camps as well.
The more developed level of superego functioning is the level of the individual who does not govern his beliefs and actions according to the whims of "authorities" or short-term opinions of experts, but who guides his conduct by an internalized sense of his own authority with respect to the necessity and importance of his contributions to the existence of the human race.
The higher cognitive powers associated with the superego are the powers of creative mentation, powers of "insight" and concept-formation. The ability to create new conceptions, to synthesize new gestalts, to think and create in a non-formal way, are the powers which form the basis of all creative and productive activity; however, in the normal member of present-day society these powers are only developed in a rudimentary fashion.
Paranoia therefore involves the suppression and breakdown of the powers and functions of the superego, so that the individual regresses to an infantile state. Or more precisely, the infantile, mother-image-dominated tendencies which are always present actually "take over" the individual. In this state, the individual interprets the world from the perspective of his internal fantasy-map, in which the witches and hobgoblins of the internal "pit" survey the territory and shriek hysterical warnings of the terrors projected onto the external world. Objects located in
external reality become mere symbols to be associated with the appropriate features of the internal fantasy-metric. The real or imagined authority figures of the outside world become mere surrogates for the internal authorities who must be propitiated at all costs.
Take, for example, the person who describes the NCLC as being "paranoid" because we have identified the Rockefeller conspiracy as governing capitalist politics today. What such a person is actually saying is that there is no coherence or lawfulness to events, that everything is discrete and arbitrary. Such an individual must himself deny the coherence of external reality in order to satisfy his internal authorities who tell him that there can be no such thing as a conspiracy - with its implication that one would have to act upon reality in order to stop it. Thus he demands that reality be adjusted to "fit" his internal fantasy-map, just as the child magically attributes events outside himself to his imagined omnipotence. In a child, such paranoia is a normal feature ; in an adult, it is pathological.
For the individual locked up in this internal paranoid world, there is no reality except the overwhelming need to ward off the unknown terrors of the outside (i.e. inside) world in a frantic, desperate search for the cozy warmth of the infantile mother-image.
The function of Reesian-Lewinite brainwashing is to deliberately recreate such infantile paranoid states of mind.
What is Labor Power?
Before proceeding to our discussion of the means by which mass brainwashing destroys the cognitive powers of labor, we must refer briefly to the nature of labor power.
Labor power cannot be mere mechanical energy. Skilled and semi-skilled labor in particular is based upon powers of judgement: the ability to carry out operations with timing and precision, to anticipate future moves, to be alert for errors and malfunctions, and so on. No industrial operation could be carried out for long by a bunch of Good Soldier Schweiks, who stupidly but obediently carry out orders to the "T" without thinking.
But this does not yet pinpoint the essence of modern labor power. Capitalism is the first form of society to be explicitly premised upon applications of and constant advances in technology. Modern labor power must have the cultural background and the intelligence to assimilate and creatively apply new technology. Consider the problems faced in trying to employ peasants in industry, or, in this country a few years ago, even in trying to bring the "hard-core
unemployed" into the factories. Persons who have been denied access to modern technology, even in the form of the right to the full plenum of modern consumer goods, machinery, and education, are at first incapable of operating the machinery of industry. The inability to assimilate technological advances and to function in a technological setting is a criminal waste of human beings, which we will remedy at the first possible opportunity.
This is still in the realm of what Marx described as cooperative labor. The necessity of the higher cognitive powers is much more obvious in the realm of "universal" labor, wherein scientific and creative breakthroughs are made which have a "chain reaction" effect throughout the society, upgrading the cultural and scientific level of the entire society. This is the highest form of labor power, which must become the dominant form if the human race is to survive and progress.
Consequently, it should be clear that any attack on the conceptual powers of workers, on those qualities of mind associated with the functioning of the superego, is an attack on the very nature of labor power itself and on the ability of labor power to reproduce itself and the society which rests on its shoulders. It is to these systematic attacks on the superego, which necessarily involve the destruction of the higher qualities of mind, that we now turn.
II. The SS State
Discovery of the means by which fascist ideology could be instilled into masses of the population was aided by studies of war neurosis, actually war psychosis, the states of mind commonly found in battle-fatigued soldiers, former prisoners of war, or former concentration camp inmates. To clarify this we will momentarily examine the coherence between fascist ideology and paranoia, since paranoia is the common element of both outlooks.
Fascist ideology is based upon an unswerving hostility to 'bigness"; it is the outlook of the alienated little man fighting to preserve his "autonomy" against the mass society, against technology and progress. The ideology of the Nazi Party - as opposed to its post-1933 practice - was anti-capitalist; its program virulently attacked the big bankers, big department-store owners, and so forth in favor of the small artisans the small shopkeeper, the small farmer. The anti-progress, "back-to-nature" pathology so common today was a prominent feature of the Nazi world-outlook.
It is here that the correspondence of "local control" and decentralization with fascism comes into focus. Local control is institutionalized paranoia; it is the
"extended family" of the neighborhood or the workplace banded together in solidarity against the evil outsiders. In psychoanalytic terms, all of the "badness," the rage and hostility of the infantile ego, is projected upon the world which lies outside of the extended family.
Anti-Semitism is strictly a variant derivative form of fascist ideology. History has recorded numerous fascist movements of which anti-Semitism was not a feature. For the Nazis, the "Jew-capitalist" was the object of the most venom. The Nazi extermination policies did not begin with Jews. The first victims of the drive to eliminate "useless eaters" were 100,000 feeble-minded and patients in mental institutions; the Polish intellectual elite and communists were the next. The "final solution" against Jews did not go into operation until 1941.
It was the more fundamental features of fascism which the planners of Rockefeller-Tavistock fascism-from-above were determined to replicate. They knew what they wanted; their only problem was to discover the means by which such a world-outlook could be created without having to go through the rather messy stages of creating and tolerating bands of gangster-stormtroopers running amok in the streets. The two most important contributions to this monstrous endeavor were the small-group brainwashing theories of Kurt Lewin and his associates, and the studies of Nazi society and the war neurosis conducted by the villainous psychiatrists around John Rawlings Rees at the Tavistock Institute.
As the background for examining how the Lewinite "democratic" small group was used as the means of inducing fascist world-outlooks, we first turn to the Nazi system which was studied with such loving care by the Tavistockers.
The psychologists and others who were located in the Psychological Warfare Division (PWD) of the Allied Command noticed that a severe psychological regression was observable among "displaced persons," a category referring generally to former Gastarbeiter (slave laborers) in the Third Reich, but also including former POWs and concentration camp inmates. The involuntary loss of ties to home and family had undermined the individual's sense of security and identity. The uncertainty of the foreign worker's condition, physical exhaustion, unsanitary conditions, the lack of privacy, all led to an extreme sense of social degradation in the individual.
J.M. Meerloo, a Dutch psychologist who worked with the PWD, noted the following psychological state of the displaced person:
... he abandons something of his civilization. Something of the suspiciousness of primitive man shows up in him again. Unable to find a safe place in
this world, and dependent on the arbitrariness of others, he becomes an unreasonably nervous human being.... By regression we understand the lapse into more primitive and infantile habits. The loss of civilized standards of behavior is one of the most characteristic changes in mental attitude. After a certain lapse of time the acquired habits of civilization cease to rule and there is a loss of ordinary human decency. People wash themselves less, no longer keep their clothes tidy, come to look increasingly ragged, even more so than is necessary under the circumstances. They cease to worry about hygiene. Traditions and forms are neglected, the sense of shame disappears. There may even be a tendency to relapse into infantile habits where everything becomes at the same time more childlike and crude. Even words and language become childish. Infantile pictures are collected. To satisfy a childish need for "mothering," men feign illnesses and develop all kinds of hypochondria.... All former ideals are suppressed. The ordinary give-and-take of life degenerates into quarrels and recriminations.
Meerloo's observations here generally did not concern concentration camp inmates, but rather the forced laborers of Nazi Germany. They lived and worked under degrading barracks conditions not dissimilar to those under which the resettled and relocated slave laborers of Rockefeller's Fourth Reich would exist. The psychological regression characteristics of these persons were much more severe in the cases of concentration camp victims, who lived in an almost total controlled environment.
In the concentration camps, the reduction of the prisoners to a childlike, infantile state was quite deliberate. The initiation to the Konzentrationslager (KZ) often consisted of a terror-filled transport (train ride) in which the novitiate was subjected to the most severe physical and psychological torture he was likely to experience during his entire confinement. Prisoners were beaten, tortured, forced to degrade and defile themselves, the specifics of which "depended on the fantasy of the particular SS man in charge." Any resistance was punished by death.
Bettelheim notes that the trauma of the initial transport ride was designed to permanently "break" the new prisoner psychologically and that this was most successful among formerly middle-class prisoners. He also observed that verbal insults were often more effective than physical blows in breaking down a prisoner by undermining his self-identity and sense of worth. Of course the more fragile the sense of identity, the easier it was for the SS to break the individual.
Prisoners were forced into constant situations of self-degradation designed to shatter any remaining sense of self-identity or ego-ideals. Among the SS's favorite sports was to force prisoners to beg permission to urinate or defecate, and to allow them to use the latrines only publicly and under conditions of extreme humiliation, such as having a line of fellow
prisoners waiting to use the latrine in the very limited time period in the morning. (Bettelheim notes that this was far more humiliating for a German than for a Briton or an American.) SS guards also delighted in kicking prisoners into the latrine pits, where numerous prisoners suffocated. The most common name for a prisoner used by the guards was "shit" or "asshole."
All the psychological elements of modern "clinical" brainwashing were present in the repertoire of the SS. Among the most important was the institutionalization of arbitrariness. To destroy not only the prisoner's former belief in the controllability of his environment, but even to destroy his sense of predictability and lawfulness was a fundamental aspect of destroying a prisoner's personality.
Examples abound. In the Jewish ghettoes in Poland, the SS would from time to time change the meaning of identification cards, so that one could never be sure of what "category" he belonged in or what its significance was. In one situation, Jewish victims were allowed to voluntarily choose which of two branches of a fork in the road they would take. Those who "chose" wrong faced immediate death.
Prisoners in work camps were often forced to perform completely senseless labor, such as digging a ditch and then filling it up, building a wall and then tearing it down, or to work without tools even when tools were right at hand.
Bettelheim described the following example:
A large group of Czech prisoners was utterly destroyed by giving them the promise that they were "honor" prisoners entitled to special privileges, letting them live in relative comfort without any work or hardship for a time, then suddenly throwing them into quarry work where labor conditions were worse and mortality highest, while at the same time reducing their food rations; then back again into good quarters and easy work, and after a few months back into the quarries with little food, etc. Soon they all died.
Terror operates on this principle. While punishment for certain offenses was always certain, punishment came for no discernable reason whatsoever, except the whims of the SS guard. Meerloo describes how gangs of Nazi toughs would swagger down the streets of occupied Holland, then, at a signal from a whistle, would suddenly attack and assault a passerby. Afterwards they would continue on their way as if nothing had occurred. The terror-bombing of the CIA-controlled gangs such as the IRA Provos, and the Weathermen operate on the same psychological principle: the intended victims never know with what or from where they will be hit.
The effects on the intellectual powers of mind should be obvious. The purpose of arbitrariness and random terror is to utterly destroy any sense of the rationality or predictability of the environment, to throw the
adult back into a terror-filled infantile world of helplessness and superstition.
How does an individual survive under such brutalizing conditions? The "willful" element was that of dissociation. One had to numb oneself to the impact of events; to allow oneself to respond emotionally, to feel anything at all, would create an impossible situation. For in a situation where the controlled environment is so total that any sign of resistance, any sign of sympathy, any attempt to help a fellow prisoner who is being victimized could mean death, one learned quickly to dull one's emotions and thoughts.
Kogon describes the process by which "the soul had to grow callouses," through which a prisoner began to develop the mentality of a "concentrationary":
Its main characteristic was a process of regression to a more primitive state. The range of sensations was almost automatically reduced. The mind developed a kind of protective crust, a kind of defensive armor that no longer transmitted every strong stimulus to the sensitive membranes. Pain pity, grief, horror, revulsion and approval, if admitted in their normal immediacy, would have burst the receptive capacities of the human heart. Terror alone, lurking everywhere, would have effortlessly brought it to a halt. Men grew hard and had their sensibilities dulled. It was the same process that takes place in war. A cruel laugh, a brutal jest were often no more than protective devices for minds in danger of becoming hysterical or unhinged. There were many dead martyrs in the camps, but few living saints...
Another means of coping with the situation was that which has come to be identified with Bettelheim's name because of his insightful description of the process: identification with the oppressor, the "Bettelheim syndrome." Prisoners would come to take on the attitudes and characteristics of the SS guard, often becoming more brutal and sadistic toward fellow prisoners than the SS themselves. This was an essential feature of the creation of the self-policing system of the camps; prisoners themselves could be depended upon to control themselves and their fellow prisoners. Sometimes the identification with the SS reached absurd lengths, such as the prisoners who would mimic the guards language and gestures, or who would dress themselves in tattered remnants of SS uniforms - even though this was forbidden.
Needless to say, intellectual functioning virtually disappeared under such circumstances. Prisoners lived in fear of losing their memories, and developed various ways of retaining their memories and past learning as a means of holding onto sanity. Interestingly, the same learning which was retained
the longest under the conditions of the KZs was that which had been learned by rote - which involved little if any conceptual thinking.
The longer a prisoner was in a camp, the less interest he would tend to have in the world outside of the KZ society. Bettelheim refers to the course of two rumors which came into the Buchenwald camp. The report that Roosevelt had made an anti-Hitler pronouncement was eagerly seized upon by newer prisoners, whereas the typical older prisoner was much more concerned with the rumor that a change in the command of the camp was to be made. Newer prisoners were more likely to sabotage work, particularly work which involved military production, whereas older prisoners had developed various rationalizations for performing their jobs well so that they could take some sense of pride in their work.
(The reader is warned: the question is not "what would I have done under similar circumstances?" That is an irrelevant diversion. What is of concern to us here is the effects upon the intertwined intellectual and emotional powers of victims of a controlled environment. The concentration camps only pose in a more extreme form phenomena which occur daily in our society under far less coercive conditions, and phenomena which are being deliberately induced under Lewinite-Tristian programs.)
Local Control in the KZ
For the Tavistockers who studied the "SS State," what no doubt intrigued them the most was the means by which the concentration camps, particularly the older camps within Germany itself, became increasingly self-policing. Kogon's report on Buchenwald is probably the most thorough study of this phenomenon; he notes that after 1942, the camp became more and more self-administered as the prisoners gained more "power" and the SS became increasingly corrupt and demoralized.
The Nazis had discovered in the Warsaw ghetto and elsewhere that it was far more efficient to hand over the administration of the ghetto, including the "selection" of victims for "resettlement,"' to the Jews themselves: the Judenrat council.
The two most cohesive groups in the German KZs were the "reds" (politicals) and the "greens" (criminals), so designated by the color of their identification patches. After a long power struggle, the political prisoners in Buchenwald took control of the prisoner apparatus during 1942 and maintained control until the end of the camp in 1945. The kapos, or work- crew foremen, were still more likely to be greens, however, because of their known brutality.
The "official" prisoner apparatus (as opposed to the underground resistance organization) included positions of Senior Camp Inmate, Senior Block
Inmate, and positions in the kitchen, the clothing dispensary, the prison hospital, etc. Prisoners in these vital positions could frequently provide better treatment, supplies, food, and so on for favored individuals, and often were able to save the lives of certain prisoners. The latter situation was especially true for the prisoner group which controlled the process of selection for outside work details.
It is one of the greater ironies of the Nazi period that the Buchenwald concentration camp was virtually run by German Communists during its final years. The Communist prisoners, possessing the highest sense of group purpose and cohesion, and recognized as the most reliable and determined anti-fascists, essentially governed the camp. At the moment of the camp's liberation by American troops in April, 1945, the Communists had organized the most effective armed resistance apparatus and thus totally took over the administration of the 21,000 man camp under the auspices of the Allied forces after the SS withdrew.
Kogon, himself an Austrian Catholic centrist, speaks favorably of the Communist political prisoners who gradually took over the administration and much of the self-policing of the camp (although the Communists in general did not participate in beatings of other prisoners). After reviewing countless atrocity stories of the KZs, Kogon's account of the organization of the camp and the resistance struggle has a certain seductive appeal. But psychological truth lies with the Bettelheim account, which is less "political" but which conveys far more accurately the reality of KZ society.
For the clinical truth is that the Communists' apparatus in the camps was effectively administering the camps for the SS. In most cases, saving one's friends or comrades or providing them with extra food rations or clothing meant that someone else suffered. We can view the situation of the political prisoners compassionately, and yet not blind ourselves to the fact that a tremendous amount of psychological rationalization was involved in justifying the situation in which the Communist prisoners occupied privileged positions and made the decisions for the SS as to who would live and die, how the barracks would be run.
and so on. It is from the standpoint of what we now know about the nature of "community control," and related counterinsurgency techniques that we must analyse the reality of prisoner self-administration of the concentration camps.
Our indignation should not be directed at the political prisoners subjected to the daily life-and-death struggle in the KZ. What about those who have, under far less coercive conditions, allowed themselves to be put in the position of self-policing a community or a factory? What about a Leonard Woodcock or other trade union bureaucrat who willingly polices the factories to
discipline dissidents or those who simply don't work hard enough to suit these modern-day kapos? Or what about the "poverty pimps" who agreed to police the ghettos for a few pieces of silver? It is the Trilateral criminals who push coparticipation and local control - with the same destructive consequences for the minds of workers as the Nazi concentration camps - who deserve the fate of those who met justice at Nuremburg.
The lawful contradiction of the controlled aversive environment is that it cannot be too successful. If the aversive situation is so complete that the victim loses all hope, he then becomes effectively suicidal.
Prisoners in the KZs who came to feel that they were completely lost, who felt that they could exercise no control whatsoever over the environment, became the walking dead who were called "moslems" (Muselmaenner). Bettelheim's description bears quoting:
These people had not, like real Mohammedans, made an act of decision and submitted out of free will. On the contrary, they were people who were so deprived of affect, self-esteem, and every form of stimulation, so totally exhausted both physically and emotionally, that they had given the environment total control over them.... As long as a prisoner fought in any way for survival, for some self- assertion within and against the overpowering environment, he could not become a "moslem." (The deterioration) began when they stopped acting on their own. And that was the moment when other prisoners recognized what was happening and separated themselves from these now "marked" men, because any further associations with them could only lead to one's own destruction. At this point such men still obeyed orders, but only blindly or automatically; no longer selectively or with inner reservation or any hatred at being so abused. They still looked about, or at least moved their eyes around. The looking stopped much later, though even then they still moved their bodies when ordered, but never did anything on their own any more. Typically, this stopping of action began when they no longer lifted their legs as they walked, but only shuffled them. When finally even the looking about on their own stopped, they soon died.
What is most terrifying about this account of the self-destruction of the "moslems" is that it differs only in degree from the sort of psychological suicide which many of us commit upon ourselves daily. To willfully cut off one's emotions, to refuse to think, to refuse to use one's powers to look into the mind of another - is this not the behavior of a "walking corpse?" It is not uncommon in psychoanalytic sessions for the image of death to be associated with a person who is totally blocking.
The powers to think, to feel, to create, are not powers which can be turned on and off at will. Not to use and develop these powers is to destroy the only qualities which make one alive and human, is to become the empty shell, the walking corpse of the concentration camp "moslem." Only it does not take an SS environment
to cause such a state of total dissociation; most people deliberately block their own emotional, creative powers under coercion from nothing more than the internal SS. The only difference is that in a KZ such psychological death quickly results in physical death as well; on the "outside" one can commit psychological suicide and walk around for years, merely giving off the psychological stench of death.
Humanizing the Workplace
To prevent the phenomenon of total demoralization, the SS undertook various programs to try to avoid complete hopelessness in situations where they wished to keep most of the prisoners alive. In the later years of Buchenwald, prisoners were often allowed to have Sunday as a day off during which prisoners could visit a movie theater or a brothel set up in the camp.
In the Treblinka extermination camp, the SS had two purposes in "humanizing" the death camp: to give those who were about to die the illusion that they were only being "resettled," and to give the few thousand prisoners who made up the workforce of the camp (those who processed the incoming victims and who later processed their bodies) some measure of hope that they might escape the grisly fate of their fellow Jews who died in the gas chambers.
Landscaping of the camp grounds was undertaken, flower gardens were planted, and a normal railhead station facade was constructed. Newly-arrived victims politely had their hair cut and were relieved of their clothing and any remaining possessions. For the "permanent" staff there were Sundays off with such amusements as a theater, an orchestra, and wrestling.
After Himmler had inspected the camp and ordered that bodies be burned rather than buried, which increased the horrors of the "work," even more psychological wooing of the prisoner work force was required. Women were brought into the camp, parties were allowed, and marriages were even permitted. The leaders of the camp resistance movement held firm in their knowledge that all prisoners were ultimately scheduled for extermination, but thousands of other prisoners deluded themselves that maybe there was some hope for them after all. (It should be noted that the prisoners of Treblinka did organize and carry out an armed revolt. Hundreds escaped into the forests. but only a few escaped eventual recapture. The irony was that what kept the resistance leaders going in the face of almost impossible odds was their determination to tell the world what was happening in the extermination camps; but anyone who wanted to know about the camps already knew. Most people, Germans and East European Jews alike, refused to
acknowledge or accept the reality.)
Again, before we find ourselves shocked at the tragic gullibility of the victims of such circumstances, what about the multitudes of workers who have fallen for such "humanization" schemes in the factories, allowing themselves the illusion that the employer's generous "concern" for improving the "quality of the workplace" will somehow compensate for vicious wage cuts and murderous speedup? In either case, the capacity for self-delusion, for allowing oneself the luxury of refusing to fight when a fight is the only human alternative, is the common core of the gullibility of the victims of such hideous frauds.
The Making of SS Killers
We have gone into the psychological phenomena of the concentration camps at this length not to merely retell the atrocities of the Nazi period one more time, but because the KZ society shows in such clear relief the states of mind which the Tavistock cabal has been intent upon producing in the mass of the population. Not that the Nazi SS was any less deliberate about it; they were simply less sophisticated and resorted to
cruder methods than Rockefeller's conspirators use.
One further area of Tavistock research requires mention before we go on to examine how the Rockefeller cabal intends to create similar such infantile-paranoic states. This is the study of the SS killers themselves, which was published in a popularized form by Tavistock psychiatrist H. V. Dicks.
Dicks' study of eight former SS men who were interviewed while serving prison terms in West Germany, destroys a number of commonly held assumptions about SS killers while at the same time providing insight into the means by which relatively normal individuals can be brainwashed and turned into murderous beasts. The SS men examined, most of whom were members of the feared "Death's Head Units" (the Totenkopfverbaende) which provided the guards for the KZs and the Jewish ghettoes, were not clinically insane according to any conventional sense of the term. They were typically persons of average or below average intelligence, of weak ego-strength, who for the most part lived the lives of normal, respectable citizens.
Dicks' stated concern is to show how it is that human beings can be brought to commit organized brutality and mass murder. (The study can just as well show
how to create zombie terrorists of the IRA or Black September type - which Dicks may well have had a hand in.)
Under conditions of social crisis and chaos, individuals of a certain psychological predisposition gravitated toward the Nazi party and its "Black Corps," the SS (Schutzstaffeln) The SS recruit was then subjected to a process of conditioning and brutalization which only differs in degree from normal military training. The SS recruits were put through extremely sadistic drill and training (until "the juice in your tail boils," as the saying went). All of the hostility and rage built up during this training was expected to be taken out on prisoners and other appropriate victims in predictable sado-masochistic fashion. Then concentration camps were used as a training grounds for Death's Head trainees, who were ordered to watch floggings, tortures and executions without flinching or showing any other signs of "weakness," i.e., emotion.
As Dicks notes, most of these men would not have become "common murderers" under normal conditions. "Their instigatory triggering was not a sudden, solitary experience, but a process extended over time, shared with team mates in a facilitating group setting."
Dicks' psychological profiling of the SS killers was of the type later used to "select" U.S. Army Special
Forces units who would carry out Operation Phoenix in Vietnam. The SS killers were individuals who acted out the infantile paranoic fantasies common to many people. The infantile rage which is experienced toward the rejecting mother-image is projected outward; the evil or 'badness" which one feels inside is attributed to others, outside. Alternating fantasies of omnipotence-weakness, or sado-masochism, under the appropriate conditions can turn the most submissive, obsequious sort of fellow into a murderous maniac. The psychology of the SS killer was such that he projected his innermost terrors onto his victim, thus in psychic terms his most brutal acts of murder were arts of suicide as well. This provides as well some insight into why so many of the most sadistic of the Nazi and SS leaders committed actual suicide once their perverse fantasy world collapsed at the end of the war.
A characteristic phenomenon among the SS murderers was that the effects of their cruelty and sadism were cumulative: the more they violated moral standards which they had previously held, the more they felt compelled to project their own guilt onto their victims as paranoia. Thus "the prisoners deserved it and worse," "they were always cheating and conniving," "they would have killed me if they could," etc. Thus the internal "bad object" becomes attributed to the victims, and everything is inverted so
that it was the tormentor who had to fear the prisoners.
Dicks does not attempt to show that anyone could be turned into as SS killer. What he maintains is that there are large numbers of "normal" persons who have only overcome the infantile schizoid-paranoid phase in the most tenuous manner, who can therefore, under the proper group conditioning, lose their normal superego restraints and run amok, acting out their most primitive murderous fantasies. The lesson is that the Tavistock conspirators understand all too well how specific psychological predispositions can be used to turn otherwise "normal" individuals into raving psychotics.
III. Cognitive Breakdown
The Second World War and its aftermath provided so-called social scientists and psychologists with a wealth of opportunities to study and implement what they politely referred to as "social engineering." A glance through the pages of early issues of Human Relations, the journal published by the Tavistock Institute from 1947 onwards, indicates what a field day they were having: studies of repatriated POWs and their "resettlement," techniques of mass persuasion, experiments in industrial democracy, resistance to change, resistance in therapy groups, experiments in small groups, studies of the German and Russian national character, and so on. Human Relations was subtitled "Studies toward the integration of the social sciences," a convenient academic cover story for its real purpose: to draw upon the most advanced thinking in psychoanalysis and social psychology in particular in order to develop the brainwashing techniques for establishing a psychotic 1984 world.
The role of sub-human John Rawlings Rees has been thoroughly documented in earlier issues of The Campaigner and need not be repeated here.  Suffice it to say that Rees, Director of Tavistock, proposed to apply the methods of army psychiatry, especially techniques of psychological "selection," to society at large, using "mobile shock troops" of psychiatrists who would move around and provide treatment for people "even when they do not want it." Rees conceived of his mission as the substitution of psychiatric techniques for less sophisticated methods of overt coercion.
The primary means of implementing the Reesian mission was the use of the small group. The single most influential individual for this purpose was psychologist Kurt Lewin.
Ironically, Lewin was a refugee who fled Hitler's fascism, leaving Berlin for the U.S.A. in 1933. His Coming to America, like virtually everything else he
did, was financed by the Rockefeller family. Lewin was the originator of almost everything that is most vicious in "social science" and counterinsurgency today: the "democratic" small group and its application to industry, sensitivity training or "T-groups," and the "community organization" methods used to manipulate and brainwash whole sectors of the population.
Lewin's theoretical ideas utilized mathematical concepts to illustrate the psychology of social groups. His "field theory" emphasized notions of social space, vectors and valences, topological psychology, and so on. What it comes down to in real terms is that under controlled circumstances it is possible to use a structured group situation to modify beliefs and attitudes, or to induce an individual to act against his beliefs and superego restraints.
Lewin et al. on "Democracy"
The use of the term democracy by Lewin and Tavistock conspirators should not be confused with any commonly used meaning of the term. For Lewin, democracy always means the illusion of democracy, that is a situation in which the victims of Lewinite group manipulations believe that they are making their own decisions in a democratic fashion.
The manipulative aspect of such "democracy" was openly referred to by Lewin himself:
To instigate changes toward democracy a situation has to be created for a certain period where the leader is sufficiently in control to rule out influences he does not want....
In fact, one of Lewin's early experiments on "democratic" versus "autocratic" groups soon demanded the addition of a third, the "laissez-faire" group, since the "democratic" group required such active intervention by the group leader.
What Lewin and his associates happily discovered about the "democratic" group was that it was far more productive, and that there appeared to be so much genuine interest in the group's activity that the group continued at its work even when the leader had left. Both the autocratic and the laissez-faire groups displayed much less group cohesion, initiative, and efficiency. While this experimental group situation had been conducted with groups of pre-adolescent youth, it only took a few months for Lewin's ideas to be applied in industry. This was in 1939.
Lewin and his cohorts found the same results when group techniques were applied to workers. Productivity and efficiency shot up, as long as the workers themselves believed that they had made the decision as to increased output, etc. It was not enough that increased productivity goals be discussed with workers; they must believe that they made the
decision themselves for the new goals to be effective. Needless to say, the decisions "democratically decided" upon by such manipulated groups of workers always happened to correspond to exactly what their employers and the psychologist-agent wanted the workers to decide.
However, the manipulative features of Lewinite "group dynamics" are not what is psychologically most destructive about these criminal methods. The most severe effects on the cognitive powers of the victim are the result of the emphasis on the manipulation of feeling-states.
Some insight into the connection between this and the Tavistock view of "democracy" is suggested by an early Human Relations treatise on "democracy."  According to its author, the secret ballot is the essence of democracy because it allows the individual to express "deep feelings apart from conscious thought." Likewise, the election of a group or a political party is "less mature" than the election of a person; the least mature form of democracy is support for a principle, i.e. a referendum.
The emphasis on unconscious feelings as opposed to deliberate, conscious thought processes is natural for the Tavistockers, since they depend so heavily upon the manipulation of such feelings as opposed to rational thought. This is then supported in the same article by reference to the locus of training for democracy as being the home and the mother-infant
relation in particular - opening the door to the intervention of the "conspiracy of the psychiatrists" into politics via "community mental health programs." The specific purpose of such programs would be to treat the anti-democratic elements, defined as the anti-socials or the "hidden anti-socials," i.e., those who identify with authority. It doesn't take much acumen to figure out that "anti-socials and authoritarians" would in practice refer to those citizens with a propensity for "communistic" ideas.
Whereas the proper goal of psychoanalysis and group therapy should be the liberation of the individual from such governance by infantile feeling-states, so that he is free to use his emotions in accordance with developing his higher cognitive powers, the perverted goal of the Lewinites is just the opposite: to target the susceptibilities of individuals to group manipulation, and then use group pressures to break down superego functioning and force the individual to act strictly on the basis of "felt needs."
Thus the current proliferation of transactional analysis nonsense ("I'm okay; you're okay"), "live free" ideology, and the generalized submission to acting like one feels, especially among the petit bourgeosie, is properly seen as a deliberate effort to destroy the ability and capacity for rational thought processes in the population. If there are no rational criteria for behavior, but only feelings, then the population
is indeed reduced to a band of infants leaving Daddy to run things while Mommy's warmth shields her little children from reality.
Is it any wonder than Lewin was so enthusiastic about "democracy"? Even one of his own colleagues once commented, "The autocratic way he insisted on democracy was a bit spectacular...."
Lewin's ideas on the advantages of small group techniques in industry were quickly picked up by Tavistock agent Eric Trist, and were applied to British coal miners with spectacular success - for the mine owners. It was on the basis of Trist's use of Lewin's notions that the entire Organizational Development industrial brainwashing apparatus was developed - for which Leonard "Heinrich" Woodcock has so graciously made members of his United Auto workers available.
That workers will work much harder under self-motivation than under external coercion is true, but is itself not the issue. Workers, motivated by a rational sense of purpose and self-sacrifice, can subject themselves to a high level of physical stress without suffering destructive psychological consequences. It is not intensified work per se which is our primary concern in this discussion. Rather we are dealing with the deleterious effects upon the higher cognitive powers of irrational, self-propelled intensification of labor, when that intensification is driven by the manipulation of the irrational psychic forces within an individual. That is what can lead to psychosis.
(Lewin himself appears to have been a victim of a mild form of the disorder his work was designed to produce in workers - self speed-up. During his last year of life, his friends noted that he was overworked, preoccupied, and some wondered that he wasn't dead already. However Lewin, always so anxious to please his master Rockefeller, kept working at a frenetic pace according to reports, so that he died of a heart attack while still in his fifties - just before he was to spend a year at Tavistock.)
The Perversion of Psychoanalysis
Lewin himself was little concerned with psychoanalysis, considering it speculative and intuitive since its notions were not subject to rigid, empirical mathematical measurement, as he thought his concepts were. This, however, did not stop the Tavistock gang from fusing Lewin's small group methods with the deeper insights of psychoanalysis. Such a fusion was necessary to create the sort of thoroughgoing brainwashing techniques which would maintain their hold over an individual even when he was removed from the group setting. Thus the methods of individual psychoanalysis and psycho-analytic
group methods were conjoined with the small-group "democracy" of the Lewinites. "The integration of the social science," indeed.
In the quarter-century since Lewin's death, the use of the small group has come a long way. Listen to a worker's description of a "therapy group" carried out under the auspices of the United Auto Workers union and the National Council on Alcoholism (John Crane is the director of the program in Flint, Michigan)
Crane's ("therapy" is aimed at weakening the patient's sexual identity. He never conducts as much as a two-hour session without going into depth about his patient's sex life. He asks questions like "Do you ever worry about how long your penis is? and "are you afraid of women?"
..when a patient says that he is not afraid of women, Crane asks "Do you want to sleep with so-and-so (a female member the man may never have met before)?" If the patient says no, Crane demands. "Why don't you want to go to bed with her - she's a nice looking young girl." He strongly implies that this is an abnormal attitude. Crane once told me I should ask every woman I meet to go to bed with me.
Now, the attempts to destroy the controls of the superego are openly expressed. The modern-day "group therapy" brainwasher demands that his patient abandon the attempt to regard members of the opposite sex as anything more than objects for the patient's own immediate gratification. The effect on intellectual powers of such object-fixation and sexual promiscuity is immediate and drastic. One cannot abandon oneself to infantile feelings, thus refusing to see the minds and human qualities of others, without substantially lowering the powers of one's own mind.
If the patient-victim shows any "resistance," the group leader keeps after him:
Other sexual questions which Crane generally asks therapy group members are: "Do you worry about having premature ejaculation?" and "Do you have problems getting an erection?" These questions are asked publicly, often in front ol women. If a patient answers no to these questions, crane says, "You have these worries whether you know it or not. You're no different than anyone else."
Crane frequently asks male patients if they ever wanted to sleep with their mother. He asks women if they every wanted to have intercourse with small boys, and if they have every done so. Crane claims that everyone thinks or does such things at one time or another.
As is typical in "attack" therapy, the patient-victim is subjected to increasing stress in order to break him down. Perverting the insights of actual psychoanalytic work, the individual is made to feel "you are worthless, you are shit, we can all see inside you that you think you are shit." The typical individual, unprepared for such an assault, finds his powers of reason seeming to fail him, and he is thus set up for further psychological manipulation:
In order to prove that they are confident in their sexual identity, Crane urges male members to kiss other male group members on the cheek, and to run their fingers through another man's hair. Crane himself kisses male members on the cheek. As part of therapy, Crane advocates masturbation.
Thus the patient is "helped along" to become a creature of the id, a polymorphous pervert to whom anything, human or otherwise, is simply an object for the immediate gratification of his most infantile fantasies. The fears and terrors of the id's "pit" are deliberately evoked, not for the purpose of aiding the individual in facing and overcoming these terrors, but to further subject the patient to the control of his internal terrifying witch." The "successful" treatment of such a patient-victim must result in the individual's emerging in a paranoid-psychotic state.
Workers do not voluntarily attend these mind-destroying sessions:
If a patient objects to any of these attitudes, Crane replies : you're the one on probation, not me."
Crane calls his method "constructive coercion." ...when patients say they don't want to participate in group therapy, Crane informs them they have another "choice": in some cases jail, in others, permanent job loss. I have heard Crane say on several occasions that every person in the group should have a hatchet over him as a motivator"!
Tens of thousands of auto and other workers have been processed through such brainwashing programs - under the threat of loss of their jobs if they do not "cooperate." One does not have to be an alcoholic to qualify: the symptoms which are grounds for referral to these menticide programs are so broad as to encompass any worker who expresses dissident attitudes or whose "attitudes" toward the job are not up to the foreman's specifications. In Nazi Germany, such workers were sent off to Dachau as "work-shy" or "anti-socials"; in Heinrich Woodcock's empire they are sent off to an "alcoholism" program where their minds instead of their bodies are destroyed.
Local Control as Paranoia
While such psychoanalytically-derived ego-stripping methods are a rather fast and efficient means of creating psychosis, they are not the only way it can be done. Large masses of people can be effectively brainwashed through the use of varieties of local control - such as workers' participation, autogestion or self-management, and community control.
The effect of putting an individual in such a structured situation is to force him to begin to narrow his scope of conception and action; instead of trying to understand and effect changes on a national or society-wide basis, or even better on an international
basis, the individual is made to limit his perspective to the local workplace or local neighborhood. The available choices become increasingly trivial and irrelevant: how to increase the output of the factory, how to split up the dwindling public funds available for a local neighborhood. The more one focuses on such trivia, the more weakened one's actual powers of intelligence become.
Intelligence - the struggle and ability to understand the lawfulness of society and the entire universe within which it is situated, to comprehend that the world is subject to predictable and alterable laws - can only atrophy and die under conditions of "local control." For local control, or any form of anarchosyndicalism, can only be an illusion which thrives upon the "felt needs" of the little, common man to "free" himself of the dominance of the society as a whole.
These tendencies toward a paranoid outlook are exacerbated under the stress conditions of social crisis and Schachtian austerity. Now, since the world outside the shop or the neighborhood is totally beyond one's control, it becomes the enemy. Growing hardship and insecurity are blamed on evil and omnipotent "outside" forces; meanwhile the "in-group" who are "all in this together," takes on the qualities of the mother-image and the extended family. As economic breakdown increases and stress intensifies, the members of the local "family" come more and more to believe that "it's us against the world"; their own powerlessness becomes transformed into an irrational fear and hatred of everything outside. They have become psychotic.
Lest this seem an exaggeration, one needs only to examine with open and compassionate eyes the black and Puerto Rican communities which have already been subjected to a decade of "cultural pride" and community control brainwashing. Or look at Israel today, an entire country victimized by Reesian mass psychosis.
The attempt to create a non-coercive fascism, or more precisely a form of fascism where the instruments of coercion are suitably marked for those who wish to deny their existence, would still be doomed to failure even if we were unsuccessful in stopping Rockefeller's New Order. By replacing coercion-from-without by coercion-from-within, by utilizing advanced psychological-warfare methods, Rockefeller and the Tavistock conspirators are destroying far more than the working class' capacity to resist and fight. They think they are creating more efficient fascism, one in which the workers will drive themselves instead of requiring the SS guard's truncheon.
But what they would actually be creating is a self-destructing psychotic hell. By harnessing the most
irrational forces of the psyche to drive their self-propelling labor force, they are necessarily destroying workers' capacities to confront the world rationally and competently. The skilled worker who is reduced to believing in witches and magic can no longer function as a skilled worker; the worker whose powers of conceptualization are taken from him cannot carry out complex industrial operations.
The worker whose "feelings" are manipulated by group pressure to speed himself up will work harder - until he works himself into psychosis or death. Such workers may work more efficiently for a time, but the point must soon arrive when they have been so psycho- logically brutalized that they lose the capacity to handle the cognitive demands of modern technology or the social demands of cooperative labor. Zombies cannot operate modern industry.
Lest this seem far-fetched, the reader can picture for himself the effects of infantile thinking on skilled labor. If you own a car, have you ever foolishly ignored a worrisome engine noise or other warning sign, superstitiously hoping it will somehow disappear? "Oh it's just ol' Betsy acting up again ... nothing to worry about" ... until a minor warning sound has lawfully grown into a major repair job.
Even in the NCLC national headquarters, we can easily observe the effects of "ego states" on skilled labor. When a comrade working in printing or communications or newspaper production "fogs out," the person on the next shift frequently is obliged to spend hours just straightening out the mess. Any worker in industry is familiar with the same phenomenon. Now compare a brainwashed-induced psychotic state with a mere mild ego-state, and you get an idea of why skilled labor would necessarily break down under such conditions.
Even the Nazis knew better. Within the old fascism of Nazi Germany, there was a clear stratification of the labor force. Skilled labor in the Third Reich was protected and relatively privileged. Workers in heavy industry were provided slightly higher wages and living standards than workers in consumer-goods industries. Slave labor from foreign "Gastarbeiter" or concentration-camp inmates was reserved for semi-skilled or unskilled manual labor, which could be depleted and recycled without jeopardizing the entire economy.
Rockefeller, on the other hand, is proceeding in precisely the opposite manner. His industrial brainwashing programs are aimed at the heart of the labor force - at skilled workers in the auto and steel industries. Under Schachtian conditions of a declining labor force and deteriorating education there are not masses of skilled workers being trained or otherwise available. Their attack on the heart of the skilled labor force with mass brainwashing shows how little
Rockefeller and his Tavistock hirelings actually understand what they are playing with. For under intensified conditions of economic chaos, social stress, and industrial brainwashing, Rockefeller will awake one morning and find that his workforce has disappeared: it has turned into bands of raving psychotics, similar to the psychopathic bands of adults and youths that roamed Europe in the period immediately after World War II, or the plundering hordes of barbarians that stalked Europe during the ecological holocaust that followed the fall of the Roman Empire.
We are not interested in presenting a "formal proof" that Rockefeller's Reesian restructuring plans must fail, that the outcome must be a psychotic holocaust to accompany its inevitable ecological counterpart. Indeed, if one wanted "proof," the signs of emerging psychosis are already visible in the occasional mentally-broken individuals on unemployment lines, or in the more frequent instances of workers masturbating in their cars during factory lunch hours in Detroit and Chicago.
Far more frequent are the signs that the working class is being successfully inoculated against the psychotic holocaust. At many of the same factories and unemployment centers, groups of workers are avidly discussing the most advanced scientific and programmatic conceptions. Workers who a year ago might have been discussing sports or otherwise wasting their time at lunch hour are now debating proposals for conversion of auto plants to tractor production, or discussing the significance of the recent leftward turn of the Communist Parties in Europe.
Why describe this as inoculation? We do not mean anything so simplistic as that since workers are now discussing politics instead of baseball, they are less susceptible to brainwashing, although on a superficial level that is true. What is important is this: the deliberate creation of paranoid psychosis by Rockefeller's brainwashing agencies thrives upon infantile fantasy-life, where the subject has given up the attempt to see the world as rational and coherent. As we have seen, psychological warfare works by successfully playing upon already existing predispositions for superstition, primitive thought-patterns, and paranoia.
Attempts to induce a fascist, paranoid world-outlook through local control, small-group manipulation, and so forth are thus most efficiently countered by forcing workers to develop a rational, scientific world-view, to understand reality as located internationally, not locally, to understand the cause of the present
depression and chaos in order to change it.
It is necessary but not sufficient that workers and others become self-conscious of their own thought-processes, that they understand the difference between infantile feeling-states and sell-conscious emotion. Elementary mental hygiene measures within and around our movement are essential to protect the minds of workers and supporters who could otherwise be victimized by mental coercion of the sort practised by the agents of Woodcock, Trist, et al.
But actual mental health on a mass scale means the substitution of reason and rationality for magic and superstition; it means substituting science for paranoia; lawfulness and coherence for mystery and confusion.
Our fight is to make the coherence of the universe and all its aspects understood by the working class, to make the lawfulness and predictability of the world clear in order to change and order those laws in a lawful fashion. By removing the last shreds of mystery from these social processes and subjecting them to our collective will, we thereby establish the
conditions for the further development of the highest cognitive powers of mind.
We too will use our knowledge of psychological processes. Wealth will use social processes to facilitate the development of ideas and beliefs. But unlike the Tavistock criminals, we do not use social processes to break down the cognitive processes, but to build them up. It could not be otherwise, for a zombie could no more be an effective revolutionary, organizing around the most advanced scientific conceptions, than he could be a skilled laborer in an industrial plant. We are organizing the social institutions through which individuals can mediate their intellectual development, providing a place to compare and test ideas, and to assimilate new conceptions of revolutionary organizing. A revolutionary class-for-itself institution provides the working class with the moral "superego" strength to rise to heretofore unimagined heights of intellectual and moral accomplishment. The new Intellectual Renaissance is the best defense against Rockefeller's psychotic holocaust.
1. Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell, New York, 1971, page 100.
2. Beyond Psychoanalysis, Campaigner reprint, 1973; "The Sexual Impotence of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party," Campaigner, Nov. 1973; "The Case of Ludwig Feuerbach," Parts I and II, Campaigner, Dec. 1973 and Campaigner, Jan. 1974. See also "Rockefeller's 'Fascism with a Democratic Face,'" Campaigner, Nov.-Dec. 1974, particularly "Section X. Paranoia."
3. See particularly "The Tavistock Grin I," Campaigner, April 1974.
4. D.W. Wlnnecott, "Some Thoughts on the Meaning of the Word Democracy," Human Relations, Vol. 3, 1949.
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